Associated Press, 4/18/2012
ALBUQUERQUE, N.M. — A New Mexico teacher asked a 13-year-old girl to stop talking with her friend and move to another seat. The girl refused. The teacher called the police.
The case is among thousands across the country fueling a long-simmering debate over when educators should bring in the police to deal with disruptive students. A 6-year-old Georgia kindergartner became the latest test case last week when she was hauled off in steel handcuffs after throwing books and toys in a school tantrum.
“Kids are being arrested for being kids,” said Shannon Kennedy, a civil rights attorney who has filed a class-action lawsuit against Albuquerque’s public school district and its police department on behalf of hundreds of kids arrested for minor offenses over the past few years, including having cellphones in class, destroying a history book and inflating a condom.
Civil rights advocates and criminal justice experts say frustrated teachers and principals are calling in the police too often to deal with the most minor disturbances. But other teachers say a police presence that has grown in response to zero tolerance policies of the 1990s and tragedies like the Columbine High massacre is needed to keep teachers and well-behaved students safe.
From sexual harassment in elementary and middle school to children throwing furniture, “there is more chronic and extreme disrespect, disinterest and kids who basically don’t care,” said Ellen Bernstein, president of the Albuquerque teacher’s union.
Experts point to a number of factors that lead to the arrests: Some officers are operating without special training. School administrators are desperate to get the attention of uninvolved parents. And overwhelmed teachers are unaware that calling in the police to defuse a situation could lead to serious criminal charges.
“I have had some concern for a while that the schools have relied a little too heavily on police officers to handle disciplinary problems,” said Darrel Stephens, a former Charlotte, N.C., police chief and executive director of the Major Cities Chiefs Association.
There is little national data to back those assertions; no numbers are tracked nationally on how often police are called in to arrest students. Whether the children are actually charged and saddled with criminal records varies by case and jurisdiction. Some youngsters are charged with felonies. Some are freed without further incident. Others receive tickets.
In Milledgeville, Ga., a city of 18,000 some 90 miles from Atlanta, Salecia Johnson was accused of tearing items off the walls and throwing books and toys in an outburst Friday at Creekside Elementary. Police said she also threw a small shelf that struck the principal in the leg, and jumped on a paper shredder and tried to break a glass frame.
Police didn’t say what set off the tantrum. Baldwin County (Ga.) schools Superintendent Geneva Braziel called the student’s behavior “violent and disruptive” and said the police were needed to keep the student, other classmates and the school staff safe.
Salecia was handcuffed and taken away in a patrol car to the police station, where she was taken to a squad room and given a soda, police said. She won’t be charged with a crime.
Her aunt, Candace Ruff, said Tuesday the girl had complained about the handcuffs; “she said they really hurt her wrists,” she said. The department’s policy is to handcuff everyone arrested regardless of age for safety reasons, police said.
In Florida, the use of police in schools came up several years ago when officers arrested a kindergartner who threw a tantrum during a jelly bean-counting contest. A bill was proposed this year to restrict police from arresting kids for misdemeanors or other acts that do not pose serious safety threats.
In Connecticut, court officials began tracking student arrests after becoming concerned about referrals for minor offenses. Since last March, nearly 1,700 students were arrested, almost two-thirds of them for breach of peace, minor fights and disorderly conduct.
In Texas, a December report from the nonprofit Texas Appleseed, a public interest group, says more than 275,000 non-traffic tickets are issued to juveniles each year. While it is unclear how many are written at school, the group says the vast majority are for offenses most commonly linked to incidents like disrupting the class and disorderly conduct.
Texas Sen. John Whitmire said educators and police need to better distinguish between who they are afraid of and who they are mad at.
“If you are afraid of someone because they bring a gun or drugs, of course we come down hard,” Whitmire said. “It’s the kids that just make you mad that you don’t need to make a crime.”
In Albuquerque, which started tracking arrests after noticing more minor cases coming from schools, more than 900 of the district’s 90,000 students were referred to the criminal justice system in the 2009-2010 school year. Of those, more than 500 were handcuffed, arrested and brought to juvenile detention, officials said. More than 200 were arrested for minor offenses, including disorderly conduct, resisting arrest, refusing to obey and interference with staff.
Preliminary numbers indicate arrests have fallen 53 percent since the class-action lawsuit was filed in 2010, prompting law enforcement officials to order more caution.
Albuquerque school officials have declined comment on school arrests, citing the pending litigation.
But juvenile advocates and parents say first arrests could lead to more trouble.
Annette Montano says her 13-year-old son was arrested at a middle school for burping in gym class. The tension between him and school officials led to several more run-ins, she said, including a strip search after he was accused of selling drugs.
In Georgia, Salecia’s family said the girl has been suspended for the school year.
Her aunt said, “We would not like to see this happen to another child, because it’s horrifying.”
Associated Press writers Dorie Turner and Jeff Martin in Atlanta, Jamie Stengle in Dallas, Michael Melia in Hartford, Conn., and Ivan Moreno in Denver also contributed to this story.
Equal Voice, 4/17/2012
Growing frustration with the Dallas Independent School District’s failed student discipline policy motivated parents recently to gather in front of one of the 11 Dallas schools slated for closure and urge the district to end the school-to-prison pipeline.
The community push-back reflects mounting awareness of the human and financial cost of removing kids from the classroom for misbehavior that does not affect student or school safety.
Parents have been working with the school district on this issue for more than two years. The Dallas discipline issue caught the attention of the BBC.
According to a study by the public interest law center Texas Appleseed, the Dallas school district spent $11.3 million in 2010-11 to make about 22,800 referrals to out-of-school suspension and send 2,500 students – including 300 elementary-age children – to Disciplinary Alternative Education Programs.
Almost all of these disciplinary referrals were made at the discretion of schools to address behavior that did not risk student or school safety.
The Dallas School District has a choice. It can lose more kids to academic failure, dropping out and the justice system — or it can redirect money into proven programs with better outcomes.
Student discipline is an emotional issue for everyon: for students, their parents, teachers and administrators who are challenged to educate all children with tighter budgets and higher expectations.
The intersection of school discipline, youth lock-ups and adult prison is a dead end. It is time to shift to a disciplinary policy that saves money — and children’s’ futures.
Originally published here.
(By Christina Hoag, The Associated Press, 04/08/2012) School suspensions were once reserved for serious offenses including fighting and bringing weapons or drugs on campus. But these days they're just as likely for talking back to a teacher, cursing, walking into class late or even student eye rolling. More than 40 percent of suspensions in California are for "willful defiance," or any behavior that disrupts class, and critics say it's a catchall that needs to be eliminated because it's overused for trivial offenses, disproportionately used against black and Latino boys and alienates the students who need most to stay in school.
By Christina Hoag, The Associated Press, 04/08/2012
School suspensions were once reserved for serious offenses including fighting and bringing weapons or drugs on campus. But these days they're just as likely for talking back to a teacher, cursing, walking into class late or even student eye rolling.
More than 40 percent of suspensions in California are for "willful defiance," or any behavior that disrupts class, and critics say it's a catchall that needs to be eliminated because it's overused for trivial offenses, disproportionately used against black and Latino boys and alienates the students who need most to stay in school.
"It's so broad it's not useful," said Marqueece Harris-Dawson, president and chief executive of the nonprofit South Los Angeles Community Coalition. "You can't quite define what it means, what it doesn't mean."
Assemblyman Roger Dickinson, D-Sacramento, earlier this year introduced a bill to remove willful defiance as a reason for suspension and expulsion.
His bill, AB 2242, would replace that category with specific behaviors such as harassment, threats, intimidation, creating substantial disorder or a hostile environment.
Willful defiance is coming under scrutiny as attention focuses on whether "zero tolerance" discipline policies instituted in many schools in the 1990s are working, especially for minority students.
A report by the U.S. Department of Education's civil rights office last fall found vast disparities in the use of suspensions and
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expulsions against students of color.
Black students comprise 18 percent of public school enrollment nationwide, but 35 percent of suspensions and 39 percent of expulsions, the report stated.
School discipline even caught the attention of California Supreme Court Chief Justice Tani G.
Cantil-Sakauye, who addressed the issue in her State of the Judiciary speech to the Legislature in March, saying she was alarmed to find out that 700,000 suspensions and expulsions were handed down statewide last year.
"You might ask, `Why is school discipline a justice issue?' The answer is obvious - when children are not in school, studies show they are at risk of entering the juvenile justice system," she said. "Studies show that one suspension triples the likelihood of a juvenile justice contact within that year."
Most school districts across the country stipulate defiance or insubordination as a cause for discipline. The key is the punishment meted out for the offense.
Baltimore City Public Schools has managed to slash the number of suspensions from nearly 27,000 in 2003-04 to just over 11,000 in 2010-11 after extensively revising its code of conduct and disciplinary policies. A suspension for defiance is now only given if it's a repeated offense, according to district data.
In California, defiance is a key reason behind high suspension rates, particularly for black and Latino students. A University of California Los Angeles report found students of color are most often suspended for infractions relating to disrespect, defiance and disobedience.
"There's a bit of profiling that goes on, particularly with low-income African-American and Latino boys," Harris-Dawson said. "A white girl can scream and slam books on the desk and not be seen as threatening, but a black boy can do half of that and it can be taken as `he's going to hit me."'
For teachers, sending troublemakers to the principal's office is a necessary tool to maintain classroom discipline, said Frank Wells, Southern California representative of the California Teachers Association, who said he has not noticed an excessive use of defiance and the union has to remind teachers they can use that.
But if statistics show a disproportionate use of defiance against certain groups of students, it could indicate a cultural gap. "It's something that should be studied," he said. "But we hate to limit teachers' authority to discipline."
South Los Angeles high school senior Brett Williams said he feels teachers use defiance as an excuse not to hear the students' side. "It's like sit down and shut up," the 18-year-old said. "You're not even able to tell your story. That to them is being defiant."
A few weeks ago, Williams was not wearing his uniform shirt under a sweater after playing basketball. Told to go to the dean's office, he resisted because he was putting on his shirt and wanted to remain for the lesson. He was threatened with suspension for being defiant and sent home.
When he returned to school the next day, he had a run-in with the dean and was told he was disrespectful, rude and defiant and was sent home again.
"It escalated into two days of missing school over a uniform shirt," said Williams, adding he's determined to graduate in June despite the problems. "You can't even be treated fairly so what's the point of going to school. That's the way they made me feel."
At Garfield High School in East Los Angeles, administrators started taking a different approach to discipline after seeing a record 600 suspensions in 2004.
The 2,700-student school now has a progressive discipline system where teachers and counselors intervene before a situation reaches the dean and principal. Parents are called and offenders ordered to write apology letters, apologize publicly, or spend lunchtime in the dean's office to realize the consequences of their behavior.
Defiance is no longer a cause for suspension.
"We took the suspension quick-trigger off the menu," said Assistant Principal Ramiro Rubalcaba, who used to have students in his office for everything from chewing gum to sleeping to coming to class without a pencil. "It was the big umbrella."
Teachers, who initially balked at the new disciplinary approach, are given extra training in classroom management if they report a lot of student behavior problems.
Last year, the school had only one suspension and has had only one so far this year. With that record, Garfield has become a model for discipline reform, and is now regularly visited by administrators from other high schools and even state lawmakers.
When seniors Jamie Rodriguez and Janaye Esparza got into a fight during drill team practice earlier this year - grounds for suspension at most high schools - their parents were called in, they were banned from the team for a week, spent lunch in the dean's office and were counseled on getting along.
"We learned to keep our distance and respect each other," Janaye said. "We ignore our differences."
Both girls said the toughest punishment was sitting out drill team. "That was hard," Jamie said. "It was something I really worked for."
Aaron Morrison, New America Media, 4/04/2012
On the evening Trayvon Martin was killed in a Sanford, Fla. gated community, it was a school night. However, the 17-year-old Miami student would not have returned to classes with his friends the following morning.
Martin was serving a 10-day out-of-school suspension in the central Florida town, after officials reportedly removed him for marijuana possession, under a “zero tolerance” policy.
If he had been back in Miami – not shut out from a whole week’s worth of learning opportunities – Martin may not have come face-to-face with George Zimmerman, the volunteer neighborhood watch captain, who pursued him because he looked “up to something” and shot him during an apparent scuffle.
Martin, an African American, shared the experience of many young black students in American public schools, who are given suspensions and expulsions at a disproportionate rate to other groups. That fact isn’t news. But for decades, the disparity has grown exponentially, as some teachers and other education professionals still believe that casting away minority students keeps others safe, and teaches the offending student a lesson.
“We should not believe that just because they are in a classroom that (some teachers) are any different than George Zimmerman,” said Judy Browne Dianis, co-director for D.C.-based civil rights group, Advancement Project.
Dianis, who spent 20 years as a civil rights attorney, says there is a patent overreaction by teaching professionals to the misbehavior of black males in public schools. Federal data measuring school equities supports what she called a “rush to judgment” when doling out discipline.
Data collected by the U.S. Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights shows minority students face harsher discipline. African American boys “are far more likely to be suspended or expelled from school than their peers,” read a DOE statement released earlier this month.
The newest data available, from a 2009 survey of public schools, show black students make up 18 percent of the sample. But 35 percent of them are suspended at least once, and 39 percent are expelled. Latino students come in at a close second.
In Miami-Dade County Public Schools, where Martin was enrolled, half of all students who received multiple out-of-school suspensions in 2009 were black. At Dr. Michael M. Krop High School, where Martin reportedly attended, nearly half of the 105 suspensions in 2009 were given to black students, who made up only 35 percent of the school’s enrollment.
A spokesman for Miami-Dade schools said out-of-school suspensions dropped from 24,061 to 22,386, over the last two school years. There are 435 schools in the district.
The suspensions “can be expected to drop more for the current year,” said spokesman John Schuster. The district also offers in-school suspensions, which were down last year.
Dianis, who did some work with the district on these issues, said individual schools in Miami-Dade have made improvements, but that it’s not true across the board.
“These suspensions are for things that are very subjective,” Dianis said.
In Martin’s case, he had been suspended three times from his high school. In October, he was suspended with friends for writing “W.T.F.” on a locker, according to a Miami Herald report.
The first time Martin was suspended, it was for truancy and tardiness. Whether or not the incidences were subjectively assessed, the punishments don’t always fit the crimes.
“Why would you suspend a child who is late? What sense does that make,” said Marguerite Wright, a clinical psychologist and author of the parenting guide, “I’m chocolate, You're Vanilla: Raising Healthy Black and Biracial Children in a Race-Conscious World.”
“The biggest thing is that it tells (students) that they are failures,” Wright said. “You’re not going to close the achievement gap…because they are not in school.”
Wright and Dianis both agreed that the seed of failure could be planted in a student’s psyche as early as pre-school.
“At the heart of children doing well in school is forming relationships with their teachers,” Wright said. “If you are growing up in these at-risk environments, you start getting these messages early on.”
Many learning institutions have effective alternatives to out-of-school suspension. Restorative justice programs commute a normal off-site dismissal to in-school intervention. The restorative model gets students to take responsibility for their actions, in the same way that conflict resolution programs do.
At Rosa Parks Elementary School in San Francisco, Principal Paul Jacobsen used grant money to institute a successful restorative justice program, according to a story in the San Francisco Chronicle on Monday.
Reacting to the Education Department report on school suspensions, state lawmakers in California have proposed a measure to limit out-of-school suspensions. A second proposal would require alternative behavioral and intervention programs, particularly in schools with high rates of suspension or expulsion, the Chronicle reports.
But Dianis said restorative programs are just the half of it. Bluntly, she says racial profiling is as much of a problem in schools as it is in law enforcement – or in Martin’s case, supposed vigilante justice.
“In cases where white kids get suspended, it’s either you had the drugs, or you didn’t,” Dianis said. “Either you had the knife, or you didn’t.”
The color of a student’s skin, Dianis added, makes subordination and wearing baseball caps in school suspension worthy offenses. There is no restorative process. They are sent on "vacations" from school, which are frequently unsupervised.
In Trayvon’s case, his father Tracy Martin and mother Sybrina Fulton wanted him in Sanford, away from his friends back in Miami, a close family friend told CNN. Martin’s suspension was supervised.
Dianis said students who are put out on the street, thanks to swift suspension from school, are at-risk for more of the same trouble that got them the suspension in the first place.
It’s been reported that Trayvon had aspirations in the field of aviation. An e-mail account belonging to the teen, which was apparently hacked by an anarchist group, showed Trayvon was looking for colleges to attend and was preparing to take the SATs.
Although Martin family lawyers have not confirmed the breach, it’s clear there was more to Trayvon, the student, than occasional mischief and a few suspensions.
Originally published here.
Dawn Turner Trice, Chicago Tribune, 3/26/2012
Program is part of principal's approach to teaching nonviolence at the school
Last week was Peace Week at Fenger High School. This week is spring break. Principal Elizabeth Dozier told me that students hold the event the week before vacation because they think it has a calming effect during the time off.
Dozier is 34, but as she was standing amid a crowd of students gathered outside Thursday for a brief ceremony, she could easily have passed for one of them.
She came to the school in September 2009 to help fix Fenger. It's considered a "turnaround" school because of students' behavior problems and low test scores and attendance rates.
She had been on the job only a few days when sophomore Derrion Albert was brutally killed and his death made national news.
In the aftermath, U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Attorney General Eric Holder flew to Chicago and met with Dozier and others to discuss anti-violence strategies. From her office window, she watched for weeks as national and local news trucks clogged Wallace Street.
"Since then, I've lost seven other students," said Dozier, who grew up in south suburban Crestwood. "Six of them died in violent ways."
She said she didn't know Derrion well. But she knew the other students and attended each of their funerals.
She understands that children are taught violence, and that means her work is often about reteaching them what's appropriate when dealing with confrontations.
Dozier has tried to change the culture at the school — helping students and their parents learn nonviolent ways to resolve conflicts. She has created "peace circles," which assemble angry parties so they can talk through spats that in the past might have escalated into violence, and "restorative justice" conferences that focus on repairing harm.
"During my first three months here, there was a parent who tried to come to the school to get into the cafeteria to fight one of the students. A parent," Dozier said. "Now fast-forward 2½ years and this same parent was concerned about something and told one of the staff members that she wanted (to assemble) a peace circle. That was huge.
"She gets the language and sees the process as a powerful modality."
Dozier said peace circles might sound elementary or even corny, but if students haven't learned certain social skills at home, they need to be taught how to disagree appropriately.
"Not all the kids, but certainly enough of them haven't been taught this," she said. "If you don't value yourself, why would you value someone else? In addition to what we teach from the textbooks, we do a lot of building kids up and making them feel good about themselves."
Walk around Fenger today and you begin to understand her philosophy. She believes students can't learn surrounded by clutter — so everything is organized and immaculate. Floors are swept and buffed. The halls are well-lit, with walls that are filled with colorful artwork and esteem-building posters.
In the cafeteria is a stunning peace mural that students built out of decorative mosaic tile. Hanging on the ceiling just outside the main office are two colorful canopies of paper cranes that students made last year for Peace Week.
"We don't have the newest building in Chicago," Dozier said, "but it will be a clean, orderly and colorful environment that reflects who they are."
Much of this wasn't in place prior to her arrival. Neither were the computer-generated sheets of paper that she hangs in the corridors that list the students who are on track academically and have good attendance, and those who aren't.
The Chicago Public Schools system requires turnaround schools to record all drug-related and violent conduct in the system's database. Dozier's numbers show that Fenger's incidents have greatly diminished from more than 450 inside the school during fall 2009 to a little more than 150 inside and outside the school last fall.
"It makes no sense to try to game the system," she said. "We need an accurate picture so that we can make real-time decisions. If we lie on the numbers, all we're really hurting are the kids because we're not applying the appropriate remedies."
The older students remember the way things were a few years ago and know it takes time for change to really take hold.
Fenger senior Adrienne Dixon, 18, is a member of the Peace and Leadership Council of the Mikva Challenge, a civic and leadership organization for youths. The council helped organize last week's event. Dixon said the violence around Chicago, especially during weekends, is a constant cause for talk among students Monday mornings.
"Every Monday, it's almost like somebody knows somebody who's been shot," she said Thursday, as we watched students release red and green balloons into the sky. "We're trying to say there's got to be another way. Too many kids are dying."
Originally published here.
Mark Brown, Sun Times, 3/23/2012
Geneva Harris, a bubbly 17-year-old chatterbox with big glasses and a bigger smile, presided over a ceremonial Balloon Release for Peace at her high school last week.
First, there was the reading of a peace poem, then everybody flashed a peace sign and finally came a moment of silence before each of about 75 students and staffers sent a red or green balloon skyward as a climax to what they called Peace Week.
It was the sort of corny, idealistic stuff that high school kids everywhere have been doing in the name of peace as long as I can remember.
But this wasn’t just anywhere. This was Fenger Academy, a neighborhood public high school still working to overcome a less than peaceful reputation.
So take it from Harris, who was just a freshman when her classmate Derrion Albert was infamously beaten to death in the street after school in September 2009: This is a changed place. A peaceful place.
“A lot of these smiling faces you see were not once smiling,” Harris told me. “Fenger has become beautiful.”
When a school is on edge, you can feel it. Everybody is looking over their shoulder. The tension becomes a vibe that spreads infectiously through the halls — hanging in the air ready for the slightest spark to unleash an explosion of temper.
Fenger is not like that these days.
Those who spend time in the school regularly tell me Principal Elizabeth Dozier and her Culture and Climate Coordinator Robert Spicer (you and I would think of him as the dean) have helped create an atmosphere that is both disciplined and relaxed.
From the minute you walk in the door you see this is a school with a clear expectation students will be where they’re supposed to be, doing what they’re supposed to do, yet they’re still breathing easy and enjoying themselves.
Fenger students say this has a lot to do with programs and policies that entrust them to solve problems for themselves — from a peer jury that substitutes for traditional disciplinary measures to a new Peace and Leadership Council that is grooming student leaders to spread nonviolent approaches to conflict resolution.
Instead of adding to the drama, student leaders are taught to report budding disputes between classmates before they escalate or step in personally to persuade fellow students to walk away or apologize. In other words, they are putting into practice the types of simple approaches that most of us use in our everyday lives to resolve conflict, but which were nowhere in evidence the day Derrion was killed.
Rather than zero tolerance, Fenger practices restorative justice. Instead of going to the dean’s office when they get in trouble, students are sent to the “Peace Room.” It’s all part of changing the culture.
Harris, who is involved with both the Fenger peer jury and the peace council, says she wasn’t always on a path to become a student leader. But something clicked after the “bad negativity” following Albert’s death.
“I refuse to let another student go down without trying,” she said.
I sat for a while Thursday with Harris and other members of the peace council, a program of the Mikva Challenge. The council is open to all students at the school. Twenty participate regularly in the twice-weekly after-school meetings.
As school officials explained, “Peace is for everybody. Why should it just be for the honor students?” said Tavhaniq Wyer, 16, who composed the lovely peace poem.
I always appreciate schools that have enough confidence in what they’re doing to let the kids do the talking.
This is not to overlook that peace and safety remains a work in progress for Fenger, especially as it relates to the surrounding Roseland neighborhood.
“You still know you have to watch yourself, but it’s not a 24-hour thing,” said Derious Smith, 18, who has seen the evolution.
To help school officials see what students see, the peace council produced a safe passage map of the area around the school, highlighting both safe routes and locations students still view as trouble spots.
For Peace Week, students tied ribbons on trees around the perimeter of campus to designate a Peace Zone where students can be assured they are safe. The goal is to expand the ribbons outward into the surrounding community in the coming years.
As I left the school to return to the car, Geneva and Derious were up ahead walking home. They turned and waved, smiling and relaxed, spreading peace as they went.
Originally published here.
Dinu Ahmed, Huffington Post, 3/13/2012
Bronx, NY - On March 8, 2012, the New Settlement Parent Action Committee gathered 100 parents, students, educators, and elected officials on the steps of the Bronx Borough President's office to express their outrage over the Bronx's shocking rates of school-based arrests and student summonses, and to demand positive disciplinary alternatives.
Recent data released under the Student Safety Act -- new legislation that disaggregates statistics on arrests and summonses by race, age, and gender -- shows the disproportionate impact that harsh punitive measures in New York City schools have had on the Bronx, particularly on youth of color. Out of a whopping 532 summonses issued to New York City students to appear in court during the last three months of 2011, the Bronx alone accounted for nearly half of all cases. 63% of those summonses were for charges of "disorderly conduct." Unbelievably, 93.5% of the nearly 300 students arrested in the same time period were either Black or Latino - and here too, the Bronx topped the list as the borough with the highest percentage of school-based arrests.
The press conference began with Frank Rivers, an 18-year old Bronx student, and member of Sistas and Brothas United. "We know low-income students of color are being criminalized by being suspended and arrested in our classrooms. Discipline should be handled by school staff, not NYPD cops."
Andy Artz, attorney at Legal Services NYC-Bronx echoed similar concerns: "Many of the young people I've represented in long-term suspension cases were also arrested in school. These are not just older teenagers getting arrested; many of my seventh and eighth grade clients have been arrested for things like fighting in school, or for resisting when a School Safety officer attempted to take them to the office. Some of these students are in special education, and struggle to respond appropriately to authorities. We need to change the policy that permits so many children to be arrested in our schools. Instead of suspensions and arrests, our schools should be using positive alternatives, such as restorative practices, which foster a culture of safety, respect, and dignity."
The data collected under the Student Safety Act validates community concerns about excessive policing towards historically marginalized communities. Since the NYPD was awarded control over school safety in 1998, serious questions have been raised regarding the abilities of NYPD School Safety Agents to distinguish minor school disciplinary issues from criminal behavior that warrants an arrest.
Local elected officials also expressed their anger around the policing of Bronx students at yesterday's press conference.
"One -- that is the days of training that School Safety Agents get by the Department of Education before they are put into our schools to 'police' our children. One day. That is not acceptable. School safety agents should be there to protect the students. They should not be there to make them feel like they are in prison...we should not be policing our children; we should be teaching them," remarked State Senator Gustavo Rivera.
Esperanza Vazquez, a parent leader with the New Settlement Parent Action Committee, considered the impact of arrests upon Bronx youth: "More than 93% of the students who were targeted for arrests were African American and Latino. These statistics demonstrate that the current school system criminalizes, and is not welcoming to, youth of color. What does it mean to have an arrest on your record at a young age? For a young person, having a record can affect the rest of his or her life. One arrest can deny you access to a higher education, to future employment and to many other opportunities that most of us take for granted. Suspensions too, are pushing our youth out of schools and into the streets, into the criminal justice system, into low-wage jobs, therefore continuing the cycle of poverty."
State Assemblywoman Vanessa Gibson called for the Department of Education to implement positive disciplinary alternatives.
"It seems as if these growing statistics are more of an extension of our criminal justice system, with textbooks being replaced with handcuffs. These growing numbers and these statistics which are being used to define our young people, are shameful at best... We are asking the Department of Education to come to the table and implement alternative measures that keep our young people engaged. Instead of sending them to the local precinct, implement counseling, and more guidance counselors and social workers in our schools. Throwing our young people in jail is not the answer. That does not solve the problem and that does not address many of the challenges that we face ... we are demanding a greater accountability from the Department of Education."
Participants gathered at the press conference, most of whom are affiliated with the Dignity in Schools Campaign-New York, are calling for the use of positive alternatives to discipline for minor incidents that are currently resulting in the use of arrests, suspensions, and summonses, through the use of restorative justice approaches or positive behavior intervention supports (PBIS). They are demanding that more city resources be put towards implementing positive alternatives to discipline in New York public schools. Additionally, the coalition is calling on elected officials to hold an oversight hearing to demand greater accountability and transparency on how school arrests are being made and why they are disproportionately affecting Black and Latino youth.
The Dignity in Schools Campaign-New York is a coalition of students, parents, educators, civil rights, students' rights and community organizations, including: Advocates for Children of New York, Center for Community Alternatives, Children's Defense Fund-New York, Coalition for Asian American Children and Families, Coalition for Gender Equity in Schools, Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM), Future of Tomorrow, Make the Road New York, Mass Transit Street Theater, National Economic and Social Rights Initiative (NESRI), New Settlement Apartments Parent Action Committee, New York Civil Liberties Union (NYCLU), Pumphouse Projects, Sistas and Brothas United, Teachers Unite, The Sikh Coalition, Urban Youth Collaborative (UYC), Youth Ministries for Peace and Justice, Youth on the Move, and Youth Represent.
Dinu Ahmed is a community organizer at the New Settlement Parent Action Committee.
Originally published here.
Donna St. George, Washingtong Post, 3/6/12
African American students in large school systems are arrested far more often on campus than their white peers, new federal data show.
The data, from an Education Department civil rights survey to be released Tuesday, provide the government’s most extensive examination yet of how public schools across the country bring police into the handling of student offenses.
The new figures also show continuing racial disparities in out-of-school suspensions and expulsions, which are far more common in schools than arrests and referrals to law enforcement.
“The sad fact is that minority students across America face much harsher discipline than non-minorities — even within the same school,” Education Secretary Arne Duncan said. Duncan cautioned that the government is “not alleging overt discrimination in some or all of these cases.” But he said educators and community leaders should join forces to address inequities.
The department’s Office for Civil Rights collected data from 72,000 schools across the country for the 2009-10 school year.
Overall, the data showed that 96,000 students were arrested and 242,000 were “referred” to law enforcement by school leaders, meaning the students were not necessarily arrested or cited.
In a more focused analysis of school systems with more than 50,000 students enrolled, the data showed that African American students represented 24 percent of enrollment but 35 percent of arrests. White students accounted for 31 percent of enrollment and 21 percent of arrests. For Hispanic students, there was less of a disparity in arrests. They accounted for 34 percent of enrollment and 37 percent of arrests.
Such data about student contact with police had not been collected before on such a large scale.
Police action on campus has become a growing concern as law-enforcement presence has increased markedly in the past two decades, especially in the aftermath of the massacre at Columbine High School in 1999, and a zero-tolerance culture has taken hold in many schools.
“It’s an issue that’s gotten more and more attention, and it’s good that we finally have numbers,” said Russell Skiba, an Indiana University professor who has done research on equality in education. “Where there are clear disparities, that should be of concern to us as a nation.”
On arrests, no data were collected about the types of offenses involved. Critics say school arrests are too often made for adolescent misjudgments — such as insubordination, disrespect, class disruption and fighting — that, in previous generations, were handled with calls to parents and visits to principals’ offices.
“There are concerns that a lot of kids are winding up in custody or juvenile detention that probably shouldn’t be there,” said Daniel J. Losen, director of the Center for Civil Rights Remedies at the University of California at Los Angeles, author of a recent report on discipline for the National Education Policy Center at the University of Colorado.
Duncan himself has told stories about how, when he was schools chief in Chicago, he was stunned to learn that “the vast majority” of arrests of young people could be traced back to schools.
The stakes for students are high, said Matt Cregor of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund. “The harms of suspension pale in comparison to the harms of arrest,” he said. “A first-time arrest doubles the chances a student will drop out. A first-time court appearance quadruples them.”
Cregor noted the example of a judge from Clayton County, Ga., Steve Teske, who led a community effort to curtail the surge in cases sent from schools to juvenile court.
Beyond police contact, the data show persisting disparities in out-of-school suspension. African Americans were more than 3½ times as likely to be suspended or expelled as white students, the data showed.
Black males stood out, with 20 percent being suspended from school during the 2009-10 school year. By comparison, 7 percent of white males, 9 percent of Hispanic males and 3 percent of Asian American males were removed from school for disciplinary offenses.
Students with disabilities were more than twice as likely to be suspended as students without disabilities.
Racial disparities in suspensions have been tracked by researchers for years. Experts say there are no studies to show that differences in behavior cause the gap between blacks and whites. Exactly why the gap exists is unclear.
Poverty is an important factor that affects rates of school suspension, but when researchers account for these and other factors, disparities by race still exist.
Many researchers say that unconscious bias is likely to be a factor, as is unequal access to highly effective teachers who do better at managing behavior and engaging students. The culture and leadership of a school are also important. But more research is needed, many agree.
Originally published here.
Joy Resmovits, Huffington Post, 3/6/12
Minority students have less access to advanced courses, more inexperienced teachers and face tougher disciplinary consequences than their counterparts, a new trove of federal data shows, affirming long-held beliefs about disparities in the classroom.
Civil rights advocates expect this data, collected during the 2009-10 school year, will provide new ammunition for compliance reviews, advocacy and lawsuits involving educational fairness in America.
"The undeniable truth is that the everyday educational experience for too many students of color violates the principle of equity at the heart of the American promise," U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan said on an embargoed phone call Monday afternoon. "It is our collective duty to change that." Duncan is expected to make similar remarks Tuesday at Washington, D.C.'s Howard University.
The numbers, to be released Tuesday, are jarring. Black students are more than three-and-a-half times as likely as white students to be suspended or expelled, according to the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights' survey, known as the "Civil Rights Data Collection." More than 70 percent of students arrested in school or handed over to law enforcement were black or Hispanic.
But Duncan and Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Russlynn Ali both stressed that the data is not "alleging overt discrimination in some or all of these cases."
The disparities are also inherent in access: Twenty-nine percent of high-minority schools offered calculus, compared to 55 percent of schools with smaller black and Hispanic populations.
Teachers in high-minority schools made $2,251 less per year than teachers in other schools, but these disparities varied by district.
For example, while Houston pays teachers in its high-minority schools an average of $2,549 per year more than their peers, Philadelphia pays them $14,699 less. A deficit in teacher pay generally represents less-experienced teachers.
"We are issuing a challenge to educators and community leaders across America to work together to address these inequities," Duncan said, referencing President Barack Obama's goal to "lead the world in college graduates by 2020."
Federally, schools are judged solely by test scores, which have shown pervasive achievement gaps among students of different races. But civil rights activists say that information doesn’t tell the full story of underserved students facing disproportionate hurdles to school success.
"For many folks in the civil rights movement, it's not enough to judge schools on the basis of student achievement as measured by test scores," said Dianne Piche, a former OCR deputy who now oversees education policy for the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. "You also need to look at ... barriers to achievement that schools are erecting for our students."
And counter to some schools' beliefs, suspension of alleged troublemakers rarely boosts achievement, said Dan Losen, who directs the University of California, Los Angeles Center for Civil Rights Remedies. "Schools that are not loosey-goosey on discipline but are doing it in a way to teach appropriate positive behavior, tend to have higher achievement and lower suspension," he said. "The idea that we kick out bad kids so we can teach the good kids is a myth."
The disparities extend beyond race. English-language learners, which made up 12 percent of the sample, represented 12 percent of students held back. Students with disabilities were more than twice as likely to receive out-of-school suspensions than their peers. Students with disabilities were also more likely to be physically restrained.
The data comes from the second half of Education Department's Office of Civil Rights' 2009-2010 survey, which collected self-reported information from 72,000 schools -- or 85 percent of the country's students. The data set, which will be on the Education Department's web site Tuesday, includes more detailed information than the last time it was collected in 2006.
The first half of the survey measured opportunities, such as advanced placement courses available or the number of inexperienced teachers.
While Duncan said he hopes the data will get schools, districts and states to start "conversations" about these policies, "and ultimately actions," it is unclear how these actions will take shape.
"Part of the problem is that folks feel like they're being called racist if they see data like this," said Russell Skiba, an Indiana University, Bloomington education professor.
Districts, Skiba said, tend to look at this data and assume that students from minority backgrounds simply act up more -- but according to his research, that's not the case.
"If you look at kids in the same district in the same school, there is no data that African American kids are actually engaging in more severe behaviors that lead to a higher percentage of expulsions and suspensions."
While Losen said the much-anticipated data is helpful, he expressed the need for it to be released sooner than two years after its collection. "We need this data faster," he said. "If it were test data, they wouldn’t wait two years to release it."
Originally published here.
Editorial, New York Times, 3/12/12
Distressing new federal data on the disciplinary treatment of black students adds urgency to investigations into the treatment of minority children in a dozen school districts around the country by the Office of Civil Rights in the Department of Education. The agency, which is negotiating policies with some of these districts, needs to push for procedures that keep children in school.
The new 2009-10 federal data, drawn from more than 72,000 schools, serving about 85 percent of the nation’s students, covers a range of issues, including student discipline and retention.
Black students made up only 18 percent of those in the sample but 35 percent of those suspended one time and 39 percent of all expulsions. Blacks, in general, are three-and-a-half times as likely to be suspended or expelled than their white peers, and more than 70 percent of the students who were involved in arrests or referred to law enforcement agencies were black or Hispanic.
The federal disciplinary data echoes a major study in Texas last year that showed racial disparities in school discipline. Both surveys offer grim evidence that states and local districts must revisit “zero tolerance” policies, which are increasingly common in schools and often cover too broad a range of misbehaviors. Studies have shown that removing children from school can lead to long-term problems like the risk of being held back, dropping out or ending up in the juvenile justice system. Students who pose a danger to others should be suspended or expelled, but that is not the case in most removals.
For its part, the Office of Civil Rights should be pressing school systems with the worst records to develop fair and sensible strategies that involve working with troubled children and their families instead of reflexively showing them the door.
Originally published here.
Cyril Josh Barker, Amsterdam News, 03/01/2012
A campaign made up of public school students, teachers, parents and City Council members released startling data about arrests and summons in schools. The criticism stems from the Student Safety Act, enacted in 2011, which requires the NYPD to submit quarterly reports to the City Council on arrests, summonses and other police-student interactions in the schools.
Last week, the Dignity in Schools Campaign-New York held a press conference at One Police Plaza in Lower Manhattan demanding better school safety policies. Data show that when it comes to policing in schools, students of color are being targeted.
Of the nearly 300 school arrests, a shocking 93.5 percent of students were either Black or Latino, with many arrested for minor offenses. Several students spoke at the press conference about their experiences when encountering police in school. Advocates say that the police presence in school is a creating a prison pipeline for youth.
“When I was a student in high school, every day I was harassed by school safety agents [SSAs] and NYPD officers. Me and my friends were threatened, frisked and discriminated against to the point where many of us never made it past high school,” said Nilesh Viswashrao, an 18-year-old youth leader of Desis Rising Up and Moving. “One particular incident was when I walked into a fight outside of my school and NYPD officers and SSAs came to break it up, and even though I had nothing to do with it, I was handcuffed to a fence and searched by the officers and then questioned.”
During that incident, Viswashrao said she was given a $50 fine and a court summons.
According to the New York Civil Liberties Union, police arrested or ticketed about 14 students each day in New York City public schools from October through December 2011. Among arrested students—the only group for whom racial data was released—60 percent were Black. Black students comprise only 29 percent of the student population in city schools yet are almost nine times more likely to be arrested than white students.
“This data demonstrates that the impact of heavy-handed policing in city schools falls mostly on African-American students, who suffered more than 60 percent of the arrests, and on male students, who suffered nearly three-quarters of all arrests,” said Donna Lieberman, executive director of the New York Civil Liberties Union. “If the Bloomberg administration is truly serious about helping young men of color succeed, they must address these disparities and focus more attention on educating children—not arresting them.”
While the numbers do not describe the specifics of each incident that took place, accounts of student arrests for offenses like writing on a desk, cursing and pushing or shoving all point to police personnel becoming involved in disciplinary infractions that should be handled by educators, the NYCLU says.
“For a young person, having a record can affect the rest of his or her life,” said Esperanza Vazquez, a parent leader with New Settlement Apartments Parent Action Committee in the Bronx. “One arrest can deny you access to a higher education, to future employment and to many other opportunities that most of us take for granted. Suspensions, too, are pushing our youth out of schools and into the streets, into the criminal justice system, into low-wage jobs, therefore continuing the cycle of poverty.”
The Department of Education referred the AmNews to the NYPD because they said it’s a police issue. An inquiry has been sent to NYPD, but there was no response by press time.
Originally published here.
Gail Robinson, Huffington Post, 03/01/2012
As they have sought to remake the nation's largest public school system, New York City officials have portrayed their efforts as a civil rights struggle. But despite such rhetoric, the city has created an obstacle course for its students, especially black and Latino boys, and the barriers these young men must navigate have little or nothing to do with academics.
The record offers a sharp counterpoint to Mayor Michael Bloomberg's launching last summer of a wide-ranging initiative to "tackle the broad disparities slowing the advancement of black and Latino young men." Under his administration the city has stepped up policies that many believe have increased those disparities, suspending or even jailing black and Latino students for transgressions that a generation ago might have ended with a sharp talk in the dean's office. Last week provided still more evidence of this as advocacy groups released figures from the New York City Police Department on the numbers of arrests in city public schools for the last three months of 2011.
Every day, on average, police arrested more than five students in city middle and high schools; another nine per day received summonses. Of the arrested students, 60 percent were black in a system whose enrollment is about 31 percent black. Whites, who account for 13 percent of city students, made up 3 percent of those arrested. Some of those arrested were as young as 11.
A number of the alleged offenses are serious. By one count, about 11 percent involved possession of weapons. But critics charge that many of the others targeted conduct that in earlier days would have been handled by educators, not law enforcement officers. About 6 percent involved obstructing government administration, and a whopping 63 percent of the summonses, according to the New York Civil Liberties Union, were for disorderly conduct. A student may receive a summons for talking back to a teacher or writing on a desk, according to Shoshi Chowdhury of the Dignity in Schools Campaign-NY.
"Small incidents that are school discipline matters are getting escalated," Chowdhury said. For example, she said, wearing a hat in school does not rate as an infraction worthy of suspension, let alone arrest. But if a student refuses to take off the cap, he could find himself with a summons for disorderly conduct -- or worse.
The arrest figures do not, of course, stand in isolation. Over the last 20 years, said Judith Browne-Dianis, co director of the Advancement Project, schools -- including New York's -- increasingly turned to zero tolerance as fear grew of a "super predator kid who is a danger to society." Caught up in that move were students who guilty "of minor misconduct that does not impact school safety" including "things we would never arrest an adult for."
At a rally last week protesting the arrests, Nilesh Viswashrao, a member of Desis Rising Up, told the crowd about his experiences. "When I was a student in high school," he said, "every day I was harassed by [school safety agents] and NYPD officers... Me and my friends were threatened, frisked and discriminated against, to the point where most of us never made it past high school."
New York City's budget for police and security equipment in schools has increased sharply. The number of armed police and school safety agents now tops 5,000 -- an increase of 64 percent from 1998. One report calculated that the New York's Police Department School Safety Division is larger than the entire police forces of Washington D.C., Detroit, Boston or Las Vegas. Police Commissioner Ray Kelly has made it clear, said Johanna Miller, assistant advocacy director for the New York Civil Liberties Union, that those officers are "there to remove disruptive student from class."
At the same time, the city's schools, like many others around the country, have turned increasingly to removing students from school -- via suspensions or expulsions -- not only for dangerous behavior but for talking back, say, or being rowdy. Earlier this year, the city released data on suspensions. Black students accounted for more than half of all suspensions and special ed students for a third. (About 17 percent of New York City public school kids get special education services.)
A single, albeit large school -- Lehman High School in the Bronx -- gave out more than 2,000 suspensions in the 2010-2011 school year. And kids as young as 5 were suspended, with three schools suspending 10 or more of their littlest students.
Overall suspensions have gone up sharply in the past 10 years, reaching 73,441 in the 2010-2011 school year. While one in 25 students was suspended in 1999-2000, that number reached one in 14 in 2008-2009, the Civil Liberties Union.
And these figure only account for what goes on in school grounds. Once on the streets, students in city schools are often treated by police and neighbors as personae non gratae, told to hurry along, disperse and get out of the neighborhood. Several years ago, as I stood on a sidewalk a block from Washington Irving High School in Manhattan interviewing students, police told us to move, at one point activating the siren and light on the police car to make sure we got the message.
Back in their own neighborhoods, this same group -- black and Latino men, particularly young men -- bear the brunt of New York's stop and frisk policies. In 2011, the New York City Police Department once again broke its own record for stopping people on the streets of their city, with 684,330 stops -- a 600 percent increase from when Bloomberg took office. Of those people, 85 percent were black and Latino.
Browne-Dianis sees the suspensions and stops as inextricably liked. The arrests in schools, she said, "are a extension of stop and frisk. This is an extension of how we treat black and Latino young people and adults."
The city argues that its show of force in schools and on streets has made all New Yorker safer. In response to the suspensions figures, the administration cited improvements in school safety. The department has reported a 4.8 percent decrease in major crimes committed in schools in 2010-2011 and says suspension for serious offenses may show a decline this year.
Meanwhile the policies take a toll. In schools, suspended student lose out on classroom time. A study of suspension in Texas found that students who are suspended or expelled are five times more likely to drop out than students who have not. According to the report, Having a record of suspension or expulsion, let alone arrest, can undermine a student's chances for future employment of college admission.
Whatever the policies' success in reducing crimes in school, "this is not the right tool to insure every student gets educated in the right way in a safe environment," said Miller.
Outside of New York, some cities have stepped back from the police approach to student misconduct. Browne-Dianis praises Baltimore and Denver for reworking their discipline codes and, in the process, reducing violence. In Clayton County, Ga., Miller said, a judge got tired of seeing his docket packed with disorderly students and brought key players together to draw up a list of things kids did that, though they might be wrong, do not merit arrest.
So far, New York seems set in its ways. But a growing number of politicians have begun to speak out against the city's treatment of its own residents, particularly its black and Latino ones. Criticism of the once sacrosanct NYPD and Commissioner Kelly has mounted. Students have started to speak out.
With black, Latino and low-income students generally less likely to excel in school or graduate than other young people, few could dispute that improving public education is indeed a civil rights issue. What the Bloomberg administration seems to forget, though, is that so is making sure that young black and Latino can go to school and walk their city's street streets without fear of punishment, harassment and arrest.
Originally published here.
By Angel Jennings, Los Angeles Times, 2/23/12
Los Angeles leaders reduce the amounts of fines and offer revised penalties for students who are trying to attend class but are late.
The Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously Wednesday to amend the city's daytime curfew law, which allowed police to ticket students who arrived at school after the start of class, even if they had not intended to be truant.
During an hour-long discussion, more than 30 people criticized the rule as financially crippling — fines and court costs could surpass $800 — and criminalizing to students who, though tardy, were trying to attend school. Many of those fined came from low-income families that could ill afford such costs.
Truancy is a major issue in L.A. not just because the city wants all students to be properly educated, but also because the Los Angeles Unified School District receives money from the state based on daily attendance. Officials also noted that students are more likely to commit crimes or become victims of crimes when they are not in school.
Under the old policy, a student who received a truancy ticket had to appear in court with a parent. A judge would issue a fine and order the student to be on time for the next 60 days or face more legal trouble. Both the parent and student had to return two months later for a follow-up, causing the student to miss school time and the parent to lose wages.
"School attendance is not a court issue," said Judge Michael Nash, who presides over the Los Angeles County Juvenile Court. "School attendance is an issue for the student, the family, the school and the community."
The council ended up amending the law by applying a "graduated sanction" clause that calls for first- and second-time offenders to receive no more than 20 hours of community service. Alternatively, students could be referred to school-based programs such as counseling, tutoring, or mentoring to help them find ways to reach school on time.
Only after the third offense would students face a one-time fine of $20. The tickets can accumulate to as high as $155 after mandatory court fees are tacked on.
The amendment codified an agreement between civil rights attorneys from the Public Counsel Law Center, the American Civil Liberties Union and the Los Angeles Police Department, and took that deal one step further by setting a fine cap. In April, the LAPD agreed to exercise leniency during the first hour of class and to stop daytime curfew sweeps except when criminal activity is suspected by youths in a school area.
"This is not a permission slip to be late," said Councilman Tony Cardenas, who initiated the law's changes. "There are still consequences."
Cardenas spent three years working out the agreement with community leaders, including Nash, Police Chief Charlie Beck, and L.A. Board of Education President Monica Garcia.
After the vote, proponents of the change — including scores of student protesters — erupted into applause. They left City Hall chanting and waving signs.
"I'm glad we can make a change in history," said Cindy Gomez, a senior at University High School in L.A.'s Sawtelle neighborhood. "This law is something that affects us and will affect my little brother and cousins and future generations."
Originally published here.
Huffington Post, 2/18/2012 - Watch Video
A group of Chicago parents, students and activists have staged a sit-in inside, as well as an encampment outside, a West Side elementary school that Chicago Public Schools has targeted for "turnaround."
The protesters arrived at Brian Piccolo Elementary School early Friday evening to speak out against the school's closure. Late last year, Piccolo was flagged as one of ten schools that would be "turned around," meaning that its principal and the majority of its staff will be replaced and, in this case, the school's management would be taken over by the well-connected charter program Academy for Urban School Leadership (AUSL).
But some 30 parents of Piccolo students are demanding that they are able to meet with Mayor Rahm Emanuel and discuss their objections to the planned "turnaround," the Chicago Sun-Times reports.
"They have a new principal," Shronda Wilson, a parent of two children at the school told the Sun-Times. "They haven't given her a chance. She has come here from the beginning of the school year and done a tremendous job. They have good teachers here."
Latoya Walls, another protesting parent, told WBEZ that she and other protesters would "not [be] going nowhere until the mayor answers us!"
The turnaround of Piccolo was proposed, according to a news release announcing the demonstration, without the approval or involvement of its Local School Council. While Piccolo parents, staff and community members say they have introduced an alternative plan for school improvement to the Chicago Board of Education, they say the board -- which will vote on the proposal Wednesday -- has ignored it.
In a declaration issued late Friday, the Piccolo occupiers accused CPS of being "in violation of its own remediation and probation policy" and blamed the school's struggles on CPS's "chronic disinvestment in our school."
"We need our school," Nedra Martin, a Piccolo parent, told ABC Chicago. "If they've got the funding, give us the money and we'll do what we've got to do for Brian Piccolo."
In response to the sit-in, CPS said Friday that "we need to make difficult, but necessary, decisions to boost student achievement throughout the district and put their needs before all else," ABC reports.
Robyn Ziegler, CPS spokeswoman, added late Friday, according to the Sun-Times, that they "really respect the parents’ passion for their children’s education." However, "year after year Piccolo has failed students."
Representatives of the school system were reportedly on hand at the demonstration and police are also present. At this time, it is unclear whether the parents will be evicted at CPS's request.
While AUSL claims it specializes in successfully improving achievement at the city's "high-poverty, chronically failing" schools, critics call it a group that's "long been wired directly into City Hall" and have questioned whether the charter program is truly responsible for making "significantly greater" gains at the schools it has already "turned around."
The system, which is currently running 19 Chicago schools, according to a recent Chicago Tribune analysis, has typically seen test scores at its schools increase immediately upon takeover before later leveling out to results on par -- or sometimes below -- the city's neighborhood schools.
(ABC Local, 2/18/2012) - Watch Video - School protest halted after board agrees to meet
February 18, 2012 (CHICAGO) (WLS) -- The school building now quiet after parents staging a sit-in ended their protest. They say that although they recognize that CPS may still go ahead with their turnaround plan, the parents say they did achieve their goal of a moral victory, and the sit-in is over.
"This was our last resort and we did not want history to repeat itself," said protest spokesperson Cecilia Carrol. "With an arbitrary vote on the fourth Wednesday of every February that lacks community input and fair just process."
At least a dozen parents and others ended their protest after having their demand to meet with a school board member met.
The protest began Friday, and continued Saturday as the community railed against the Chicago Public School plan to slate Brian Piccolo Elementary School for turnaround.
"Piccolo has actually failed students year after year and we're seeing them consistently fall in the bottom five percent of the district."
"The parents have spoken in this school," said Christine Mayle of the Chicago Teachers' Union. "They polled the parents and 90 percent of them said they didn't support this turnaround idea. The mayor is always talking about school choice. These parents have chosen and this is not what they want."
The school has been on academic probation for the past five years, but protesters say neither turnaround nor a takeover by the academic urban school leadership is the answer.
"We already did a turnaround when C.P.S. appointed our principal here in July," said local school council member Latrice Watckins. "Ever since she has been here, she has been doing excellent things."
"I think it's important for them to have some stability, at least with school, if they're not getting it anywhere else," said Nancy Barraza Piccolo Specialty School teachers' aide.
The turnaround plan could lead to the school being closed and the staff fired, or it would be run by a private non-profit.
That was met with opposition from teachers and students
"It makes me mad because if the other teachers come here and try to take the other teacher's place and they don't even know us and try to fix it, it won't feel right," said student Erinae Barnes.
Parents plan to meet with school board officials Monday in advance of the board's Tuesday meeting where the school's fate will be finalized.
Read More Coverage:
By ABC7's Diane Pathieu
Watch Video - Chicago Parents Occupy School to Protest "Turnaround"
February 18, 2012 (CHICAGO) (WLS) -- As many as 100 parents, students and activists are camping out at an elementary school on the city's West Side in an attempt to get the mayor's attention and prevent the school from being overhauled.
The group is waking up inside the halls of Brian Piccolo Elementary School. They're protesting plans to "turnaround" the school, which, if approved, would lead to teachers and staff being replaced.
"We want to hear from the mayor," said Latoya Wells, a parent of a Piccolo student. "Hear us. We are taxpayers. We have a right. We have a say so. These are our kids."
"I disagree (with) what CPS says," said seventh-grader Larry Davis. "They're not failing us. It takes a process to fail a child."
Piccolo has been on academic probation for the last five years and in a statement, CPS said, "We need to make difficult, but necessary, decisions to boost student achievement throughout the district and put their needs before all else."
The protestors, who call themselves part of the "Piccolo Occupation, " want a meeting with the mayor and school board members to plead their case. "They are spending a lot of money to try to turn these schools around, but the data on school turnarounds does not show that there is any increase in scores," said teacher Nate Rasmussen. "The data is, you know, spotty, at best."
Read More Coverage:
Telemundo: “No necesitamos que experimenten con nuestros hijos”
Chicago Sun Times: Parents occupy school, demand to talk with Rahm
By Jason Keyser, Associated Press, 2/18/2012
About 100 students, teachers and community activists staged a sit-in Saturday at a struggling Chicago school to try to block a takeover by the city meant to turn around the school's poor performance.
The protesters -- most of whom pitched tents outside, while 15 others holed up inside the building -- said the planned takeover by a nonprofit academy working for the city government would likely mean cuts to special education and bilingual programs.
They also argue that the city has not given them a chance to enact their own plan for reversing declining achievement at the Piccolo Elementary School on the city's economically depressed West Side.
Differing opinions on how to save Chicago's failing schools have been a frequent source of conflict among school officials, teachers and the city. In its most recent attempt to address the problem, Chicago Public Schools is seeking to turn around Piccolo and more than a dozen other schools through a private organization called the Academy of Urban School Leadership.
The program has generated some opposition from parents and teachers because it has resulted in staff dismissals and other unpopular changes.
The overnight sit-in began Friday evening and ended Saturday afternoon after the School Board agreed to a meeting early in the coming week to discuss their demands, protesters said.
Carolina Gaete from Blocks Together, a community nonprofit involved in the protest, said earlier requests for a meeting had been ignored for weeks. "That's the reason we decided to take such a radical step of occupying the school," she said.
Chicago Public Schools said it held public hearings on the plans and invited residents' input.
"We respect and share Piccolo parents' passion for their students' education," said Jean Claude Brizard, the school district's chief executive. "The fact is, Piccolo has been failing its students year after year, and it is our responsibility to do everything we can to give these students access to a higher quality education."
The Academy of Urban School Leadership did not immediately return calls seeking comment Saturday.
Gaete said the academy is exempt from federal mandates requiring special education and other programs. As a result, she said, students with special needs have been forced out of other schools in the turnaround program.
"It's not about education," she said of the city's intervention. "It's about using our kids as guinea pigs once again because we're poor, immigrant, African-American families."
Gaete acknowledged Piccolo has fallen behind but said a new principal has come up with a plan for improving performance that is just starting to have an impact in increasing attendance and making gains in reading and math.
High school teacher and activist Marty Ritter, who joined the protesters, accused the school district of abandoning some schools with poor academic performance until they fail and then handing them over to charter schools or turnaround programs for radical overhauls.
"I honestly don't believe that any school is a failure, because it's just a failure of CPS to provide the adequate number of resources," he said.
Originally published here.
By Donna St. George, The Washington Post, 2/12/2012
Thousands of elementary students were suspended from public schools last year in Washington and its suburbs, some of them so young that they were learning about out-of-school discipline before they could spell or multiply.
Those sent home for their behavior included kindergartners in nearly every area school system — 94 in Prince George’s County, 74 in Fairfax County, 61 in Anne Arundel County, 50 in the D.C. school system, 38 in Prince William County and 22 in Montgomery County.
They included children who idled at home for a day or two and some who accompanied their parents to work.
They included the pre-kindergarten son of Rajuawn Thompkins, who said the boy was removed from his D.C. charter school for kicking off his shoes and crying in frustration. Thompkins had thought the boy was too young to be suspended.
He was 4.
“I would explain it to him, and he still didn’t understand,” she said. “He’d ask me, ‘Mommy, why can’t I go to school?’ ”
His pointed question underlies a debate about the merits of out-of-school suspension.
Some researchers and critics question whether children in the early grades should ever be suspended. The goal should be teaching appropriate behavior, they say, not sending students home.
Still, many educators see suspension as necessary — a strong message about conduct that crosses the line. Many parents, too, suggest that students who cause a disruption in class, no matter what age, need to be removed. Especially when a child or teacher has been physically hurt, many principals view suspension as an important tool.
A Washington Post analysis of data for 13 of the region’s school systems found that last school year more than 6,112 elementary students, from pre-kindergarten through grade 5, were suspended or expelled for hitting, disrupting, disrespecting, fighting and other offenses.
The total includes 433 kindergartners, 677 first-graders, 813 second-graders and 1,086 third-graders. More than 50 pre-kindergartners were suspended.
In all, those cases represent a small segment of suspensions in the region, and affect from 1 percent to 3 percent of elementary children in most school systems. But some experts say that age sets them apart.
For children younger than 7 or 8, “all they understand a couple of days into this is they are having snow days — and nobody else is,” said Walter S. Gilliam, author of a national study on pre-kindergarten expulsions and director of the Edward Zigler Center in Child Development and Social Policy at the Yale Child Study Center.
Gilliam said suspension is at odds with teaching the social and behavioral skills many young students lack. “We would never send a child home because that child was struggling at reading,” he said. “We would never send a child home if that child was struggling with math. Why would we send a child home for struggling with social-emotional skills?”
On those removed from school, the effect is complex. They lose instruction time and slip behind in classes. But there may be other fallout, too: lower regard from peers or teachers, a shift in identity, an alienation from school. “I would be worried it would set in motion a negative trajectory that would gather momentum across the next years of schooling,” said Anne Gregory, a Rutgers University assistant professor and education researcher.
School officials said they try to avoid suspensions of the very young and use positive-behavior initiatives to prevent discipline problems. They said that relatively few students are suspended and that those cases often involve safety issues or repeated misbehavior.
“To me a suspension is for something so unprovoked, or something so out of the norm, that I, as the adult, had no other option,” said Judy Brubaker, principal at Spark M. Matsunaga Elementary School in Germantown.
Brubaker and other principals said they carefully consider each case and often look to other options — involving parents and counselors, creating behavior plans — before suspension.
It is “absolutely not our default,” said Kimberly Willison, principal of Clearview Elementary School in Herndon, who recalled several cases, each with escalated circumstances. “It’s not something we ever do lightly,” she said.
In Alexandria, Lawrence Jointer, director of hearings, investigations and student alternative services, said discipline problems appear to have intensified during his career of four decades. “We see aggressive behavior from kindergarten on up,” he said, and it is tough to affect that behavior when parents are disengaged.
“I understand it gets to a point where principals and teachers feel they’ve tried everything they can,” he said. Sometimes, suspension is a way to “drive the point home: ‘This is serious behavior we’re dealing with at school, and we need your support.’ ”
Nationally, suspension practices are being debated and rethought. The Maryland State Board of Education is considering proposals to end suspensions for nonviolent offenses. Last summer, federal officials launched a broader discipline reform effort as new research highlighted harmful effects.
Many experts say no research indicates that suspensions improve a child’s behavior or make schools safer. But studies have shown that suspended students are more prone to low achievement, dropping out of school and landing in the juvenile justice system.
In elementary school, behavior problems can be rooted in academic gaps — being unable to read, for example, when classmates are poring over books, said Sara Rimm-Kaufman, associate professor of education at University of Virginia. “It’s an emotional response to not knowing what everyone else knows,” she said.
Suspensions have markedly increased nationwide since the 1970s, and some experts suggest that suspensions of younger children reflect, in part, a zero-tolerance culture that has taken hold in schools during the past 20 years.
Among cases that attracted national attention was the 2010 suspension of a Michigan 6-year-old who formed his hand into the shape of a gun. A year earlier, a Delaware 6-year-old was ousted for having a Cub Scout camping tool that included a knife.
Last spring, an 8-year-old boy in Fairfax pocketed a pill for his attention deficit disorder as he rushed to leave for school. After he went to take the medication during a restroom break, he was suspended for possession of a controlled substance, his mother said.
Fairfax, which was under fire at the time for its discipline policies, has since eased its approach to prescription medication, allowing principals more discretion in punishment. The 8-year-old was out of class for 10 school days, his mother said. “It was extreme,” she said.
Fairfax School Board member Elizabeth Schultz (Springfield) said the key to suspension is “proportionality.” Some families have complained about elementary-age students suspended for disrupting class and going to the bathroom repeatedly, she said. “To me, it has to be really significant,” she said, such as imminent danger.
Psychologists and researchers say suspensions can send the wrong message.
“At that age, most of them go home, and if they are allowed to watch TV or play video games, it can be more fun than school and reinforce the behavior that is negative,” said school psychologist Melissa Reeves, who teaches at Winthrop University in South Carolina.
Some schools, Reeves said, rely on suspension because they lack funding for other options. “The challenge,” she said, “is having the resources for alternatives,” programs that teach anger management, social skills, problem-solving and conflict resolution.
In Prince George’s, A. Duane Arbogast , chief academic officer for county schools, said suspension is one of many tools to improve student conduct. Sometimes, it is also needed to set a tone in a school or to be responsive to victims. “It should be used tactically and strategically,” he said.
Arbogast said the 94 kindergartners suspended in Prince George’s last year represent a small share of those enrolled. “About 1 percent,” he said. “. . .Ten percent would be crazy. One percent does not surprise me.”
In Arlington County, Assistant Superintendent Meg Tuccillo said that elementary-age suspensions are rare — 13 last year across 22 schools — but that one might occur when, for example, “a youngster has significantly hurt another youngster.” She added: “Sometimes, either we need time to develop a plan or we need a breathing period.”
Advocates and parents say behavior problems are sometimes signs of undiagnosed disabilities. A second-grader with autistic-like behaviors, prone to meltdowns, was suspended for more than 10 days of kindergarten in Prince George’s, his mother said, and several days of first grade. Now in second grade, the child has qualified for special education services, but he already has lost nine days to suspension and informal send-homes, his mother said.
“It was like he was being suspended for his disability,” she said.
In general, the school system is cautious about such designations, said Arbogast, the academic chief. “You don’t want to necessarily put a label on a kid at age 5,” he said.
How many of the young fully grasp their punishment is hard to know.
“Some can understand the conversation, but others are looking at me, kind of smiling, like, ‘What is all this about?’ ” said Jointer, of Alexandria, who presides over serious suspension cases and every so often sees a kindergartner or first grader.
Teachers describe classroom difficulties with some children lacking basic social skills, said Tim Mennuti, president of the Teachers Association of Anne Arundel County.
In the District, Judith Sandalow, executive director of the Children’s Law Center, said recent suspension cases include a kindergartner who pulled a fire alarm, a second-grader with multiple suspensions for fighting, and a third-grader accused of sexually harassing an aide.
“It is never the right answer to suspend an elementary-age child,” she said.
In young children, particularly, she said, misbehavior is a sign of something deeper — family problems, learning disabilities, academic gaps. “It is a sign they are experiencing something in their lives, and they should be helped,” she said.
For parents, suspensions have ripple effects.
Thompkins, whose pre-kindergartner was suspended from Imagine Hope Community Charter School, missed work when her son was suspended and when he was less formally sent home early. “He was suspended so often I lost my job,” she said.
Several calls to the charter school for comment were not returned.
D.C. Public Charter School Board member Darren Woodruff said that charter schools have their own disciplinary practices but that suspensions in the early grades may be an issue to examine. “We support best practices and research-based practices,” he said.
A majority of Washington area school systems suspended at least one pre-kindergartner last year, the data show.
Last year, The Post profiled a pre-kindergarten case in Arlington in which a 3-year-old in a public Montessori program was removed for having too many potty accidents. Arlington officials said that the child was not suspended but that the family was asked to work on toilet skills at home for a period.
In Prince William, Todd Erickson, associate superintendent for central elementary schools, said he finds the suspension totals “rather small,” which “shows us we’re doing a good job with the other students.” He cited anti-bullying and positive-behavior efforts.
Brian Butler, a veteran Fairfax principal, said the goal of elementary-level discipline is “a teachable moment for the child.”
Age is a factor, he said. “If I had a kindergartner who hit somebody,” he said, “I would call the parents.”
Staff writer David Fallis contributed to this report.
Originally published here .
By Beverly Ford, iWatch News, 1/30/2012
A good student with no disciplinary record, Sonia Vivas was on track to fulfill her dream of becoming a lawyer when an encounter with two other teens sent her life into a tailspin. Accused of stealing a cell phone and pulling a knife on a student, the 14-year-old eighth grader was tossed out of school in 2007 with little more than a cursory hearing after the mother of one of the girls, both white, complained her daughter felt threatened
For six months, Vivas, who denies the accusations, says she languished at home, banished from classes at her Somerville, Mass., middle school where she was the only Hispanic student in the eighth grade.
“It was pretty traumatizing,” she says today, reflecting on the incident she now believes was sparked by jealousy over her friendship with one of the girl's ex-boyfriend. “It made me feel pretty horrible. It changed my life.”
With no due process rights to a hearing under Massachusetts law, Vivas was expelled from school after only a brief interview with the school principal to explain her side of the story. Today, nearly five years later, school officials declined comment on Vivas' dismissal but said where student safety is an issue, the expulsion process remains unchanged.
It took the intervention of a lawyer and a diagnosis of a learning disorder a label that meant the state was legally required to provide alternative schooling to special needs kids to finally get Vivas back to class, this time at an alternative school. Without a special needs designation, Vivas would have been out of options since Massachusetts does not require school districts to provide alternative education for suspended or expelled students. Even if Vivas moved out of town, her new school district would not have been required to provide her with an education. Yet today, the Somerville High School honors student is headed for a brighter future. Her dream of a legal career, however, was crushed by the hours spent fighting to get the school district to allow her to return to the classroom. Although she won that fight, the battle soured her dream of becoming a lawyer, she said.
Vivas' story is not unique.
According to data from the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights (OCR), more than three million students are suspended or expelled annually from schools nationwide, including a disproportionate number of minorities. Many of those suspensions are for non-violent, non-criminal behavior such as swearing, talking back to a teacher, tardiness or truancy, said Barbara Best, director of foundation relations and special projects with the Children's Defense Fund in Washington, D.C.. The organization documented those reasons in its “Cradle to Prison Pipeline Campaign,” CDF's effort to curb school suspensions.
“These cases are not jeopardizing school safety,” Best says, noting that suspending or expelling students for such minor behavioral infractions often leaves pupils so behind on their coursework that many end up dropping out of school entirely.
“We understand (school administrators) want to create a safe environment,” she says, “But we can't push students out of school for minor offenses.”
In Massachusetts, more than 190,000 school days were lost to out-of-school suspensions and expulsions during the 2009-2010 school year, a New England Center for Investigative Reporting analysis of Massachusetts school discipline reports found. That's about one school day for every five Bay State students or just over 10 percent of the 172 million school days logged annually by the state's 955,563 elementary and secondary pupils. Boston was more likely than other school systems to permanently expel students, primarily for violent drug or criminal activity, while Worcester students lost more than 5,000 days of class time more than any other school district in the state due to out-of-school suspensions, the data showed. Boston, one of the larger school systems in Massachusetts, logged only 2,765 lost days to out-of-school suspensions.
While those figures reflect a troubling trend, even more troubling is that OCR data shows that minority students are being expelled or suspended at disproportionately higher rates than their white counterparts. According to that 2006 federal data, the most current available figures show that black males are being expelled at six times that of white male students and at twice the rate of white male suspensions.
Smoking, vandalism, obscene language and leaving without permission got the white kids in trouble, while black students got disciplined for making noise, being disrespectful, loitering and making threats, said Isabel Raskin, an expert on zero tolerance policies with the Juvenile Justice Center at Suffolk University in Boston.
Once removed from school, many of those youngsters fall behind in their studies, primarily because 86 percent of students involved in serious discipline cases get no educational services once tossed from the classroom, according to a 2007-2008 state study. Although Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education spokesman JC Considine said the state suggests that school districts offer some type of alternative education wherever possiblefor suspended or expelled students, education advocates say few actually do. Massachusetts law only requires the state to provide alternative education to special needs students who have been suspended or expelled.
That distinction has some in the Commonwealth worried about the state's educational priorities.
“We're creating what many people are calling 'dropout factories,'" said Nakisha Lewis, a project manager with the Schott Foundation for Public Education, a Cambridge, Mass. group that advocates for more equitable distribution of educational resources to help students achieve success. The foundation, which has released several reports on that topic, found that students who are suspended or expelled often drop out of school, leading to juvenile delinquency, arrests and eventually prison. Taking kids out of class for non-violent offenses, Lewis explained, is akin to creating what reform advocates now call “cradle-to-prison pipeline.”
“Suspending a student for more than 11 days is tantamount to expulsion,” said Michael Holzman, the research consultant who conducted the Schott Foundation study, adding that comparative studies, including one conducted by the Pew Partnership for Civic Change, shows that school dropouts make less money, have a harder time finding a job and often end up in a life of poverty or in prison. At 40 percent, black men also make up most of the inmates in prison even though they are only 12 percent of the population, according to U.S. Department of Justice statistics.
“It doesn't take a leap of imagination to know that if you take children with problems and throw them onto the street with little or no education, we're going to breed a society of criminals,” noted Attorney Sam Schoenfeld, with the Wallace Law Office in Canton, Mass., who has represented a number of expelled and suspended students. “What needs to be done is to stop this chain of events.”
Yet stopping student suspensions and expulsions may be difficult.
“When a child as young as four is suspended, something is wrong,” said Best, adding that the suspensions of grade schoolers should be “a wakeup call” to school administrators that zero-tolerance discipline policies just don't work. “We don't have a child problem, we have an adult problem if we're suspending four, five and six-year-olds,” she added.
Yet, despite those numbers, the suspension and expulsion of Massachusetts' youngest students hasn't stopped. In December 2009, one year after that state discipline report was issued, an eight year-old Taunton boy was suspended from school and ordered to undergo psychological testing because his stick-figure drawing of a crucified Christ was considered too violent by school administrators, the child's father later told reporters. School officials denied that the boy's suspension had anything to do with religion and stood their ground, saying “the incident was handled appropriately.”
One year later in 2010, Brockton officials paid out nearly $250,000 in legal fees and settlement costs when the mother of a six-year-old sued after her son was suspended for the alleged sexual harassment of another first grader. Both the six-year-old and eight-year-old suspended students were minorities, according to news reports of the incidents.
By the time students reach high school, suspensions and expulsions peak, especially for minority students, like one Somali boy who was expelled from high school last year after he poked another student with a pencil, said the boy's lawyer, Thomas Mela, now the director of the Children's Law Support Project at Massachusetts Advocates for Children in Boston. Despite no prior disciplinary record, the 16-year-old was cited for using the pencil as a weapon, a charge which mandated immediate expulsion under the school's code of conduct. Only after Mela became involved in the case was the teen allowed to return to school. He remained on probation for the rest of the school year without further problems, the lawyer said.
Still, that incident remains a disturbing reflection on what is happening in classrooms throughout the Bay State where minority students, especially black and Hispanic males, are routinely tagged as troublemakers, advocates said.
“Suspensions for less serious, non-threatening behavior needs to stop,” said Raskin. “No kid should be denied an education. It doesn't make sense. There are better ways to discipline children.”
One of the reasons for such strict disciplinary measures can be traced back to April 20, 1999 when two high school seniors, Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris, massacred 12 students and a teacher before killing themselves at Columbine High School in Denver.
“Suspension became the automatic response to misbehavior,” said Johanna Wald, who has worked on school discipline issues for the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice at Harvard Law School.
Wald said drugs, guns and other threatened and real school shootings have created an era of “Zero-tolerance policies” in many schools.
“Now,” she added, “we are thankfully recognizing how damaging that highly punitive approach is, especially to teenagers. What they need is to be in school, to have relationships with competent adults who can steer them in the right direction.”
The Massachusetts Teachers Association, a statewide advocacy group, takes no position on school discipline issues but several Bay State teachers denied that there is a racial component to discipline and said clearly-defined progressive punishment works best for students involved in non-violent situations.
Somerville elementary teacher Jackie Lawrence, like other educators, said teachers who work with minority students “don't see children in different colors. We see students.” And, she adds, despite a child's ethnicity, all of those students are disciplined on a progressive scale with punishment increasing for each new offense. Drug, weapons or assault violations, however, are subject to the district's zero tolerance policy, said Lawrence, who teachers in the same city where Vivas once attended school.
“A zero tolerance policy shows students and their families that there is no wiggle room for extreme behaviors,” said Lawrence, noting the need for a stricter approach when it concerns issues that threaten school safety.
Yet despite similar progressive discipline policies in other Bay State schools, the swift suspension or expulsion of students, often for minor infractions, continues unabated even though studies show that tossing a kid out of school encourages a child to drop out altogether, child advocates say.
Still, advocates and educators remain optimistic.
“Our concern is to change the process and the practices for those kids who don't commit serious offenses,said Mela, who is now spearheading two bills he hopes will reform discipline policies in Bay State schools and keep kids in class.
Sonia Chang-Diaz, Senate co-chair of the state's Joint Committee on Education, said the bills, which are aimed at preventing kids from dropping out of school, encourage school districts to reduce their reliance on expulsion and suspension as disciplinary tactics and puts some due process rights in place for students charged with misdemeanors.
It also mandates that no student be expelled for more than a year and gives teachers and administrators discretion in how they deal with unruly students. Current zero-tolerance policies, which are instituted by individual school districts based on established district-wide policy, do not require school administrators to ratchet up punishment based on the severity of an offense. This all-or-nothing approach needs to change, Chang-Diaz said.
“We need to get students back into the educational process. And we need to allow school administrators the flexibility and the authority to make decisions protecting the safety of students and staff,” she noted.
Roy Karp, chairman of the Boston Public School's Code of Conduct Advisory Council and executive director of the Civic Ed Project which fosters civic engagement in schools, said new approaches to discipline are changing the way students and administrators deal with problematic school issues.
At Curley Middle School in Boston's Jamaica Plain neighborhood, a restorative justice program, which makes kids responsible for their behavior and encourages them to peacefully solve problems, has brought a culture of respect to what was once a problem school, Karp noted.
“Suspension gives students a chance to do what they want,” he said of the free time given to students who are no longer required to attend classes. “Restorative discipline holds students to a much higher standard. We get them to think of how they harmed others. After all, it's hard to look someone in the eye and hear them say, 'I was afraid to come to school because of you.'”
Paul Andrews, director of professional development and government services for the Massachusetts Association of School Superintendents, said he supports school discipline policies but they need to be consistent, fair, and progressive so that punishment increases in severity with each new occurrence. School administrators also need to be able to use their own discretion to better resolve issues, he said, adding that parental involvement and support is also key.
“It requires the cooperation of local government, families and schools,he said. We all have to work together. We all have a responsibility to make this work.”
Otherwise, the trend in school dropout rates may mean even bigger issues in the future.
The New England Center for Investigative Reporting is a non-profit investigative reporting newsroom based at Boston University and a member of the Investigative News Network.
Annette Fuentes, Huffington Post, 1/21/2012
Through months of campaigning and 18 debates, the Republican presidential candidates have limned a range of issues -- from taxation and corporate personhood to abortion and gay marriage, even open marriage. Economic concerns have predictably loomed large, and of course we want to know if they'd launch a strike against Iran. But how about their views on public education?
With No Child Left Behind being overhauled and nationwide school testing scandals and teacher accountability measures in the news, K-12 public schooling is an issue that many care about deeply. So, as a public service, here is a brief synopsis of the education platforms, such as they are, of the Republican candidates, gleaned from their official Web sites and news reports.
Newt Gingrich: In addition to Gingrich's recent eyebrow-raising statements about employing school children as janitors in their schools, he has other ideas on education, which he elaborates as "A 21st Century Learning System" on his campaign website. The Gingrich system favors parent choice, which means no limits on charter schools or home schooling and no teacher unions to muck things up. Merit pay and no tenure for teachers, and a state-created "rigorous standard that allows every student everywhere to master the skills they will need to be competitive." What's not to like about rigor?
Gingrich would shrink the federal Department of Education, reducing it to a collector of data and research and turn most of the control over schools to local districts. Schools can design their own curricula -- with state approval. And the erstwhile professor provocatively calls for every student to learn to read, "and much of what they read should reinforce American civilization." Presumably, that could include such soon-to-be classics as Gingrich's own books, like Pearl Harbor: A Novel of December 8th or Rediscovering God in America.
Mitt Romney: The man from Bain, who attended elite private schools, stands out for the complete absence of any specific educational agenda on his campaign Web site. His "Plan for Jobs and Economic Growth" mentions education fleetingly: "From preschool to PhD, America must have the best education system. If we want to turn things around, and for our economy to bloom in the future, we need an absolute focus on educational excellence." But that's about it.
In the past, Romney was for eliminating the fed ed department, but changed his mind. In his prior presidential run, he said he supported No Child Left Behind and its accountability and testing mandates, but said states need flexibility in meeting testing and achievement standards--which is exactly what the Obama administration decided to do. He supports charter schools and opposes limits on their proliferation.
Romney's proxy on education is Phil Handy, a Florida financier whom the Orland Sentinel described as a "campaign rainmaker." Handy was a three-time Jeb Bush campaign chairman, and the state's Board of Education chairman for six years. Romney last October named Handy co-chair of both his Florida Advisory Committee and his National Education Policy Committee, which apparently has not done much that is newsworthy.
Rick Santorum: The "true conservative," as Santorum calls himself, doesn't specifically focus on U.S. public schools in his platform plank called, "Restoring America's Greatness Through Educational Freedom And Opportunity."
Mostly, Santorum believes in anything-but-traditional public schools. He especially likes home schooling -- his seven children have been home schooled. He believes education is the responsibility of consumers -- the parents -- who have the "right to direct the upbringing and education of their children with local school systems supporting, as desired." His crazy-quilt, avant garde approach to schooling got his family into hot water and headlines back in 2004 when a school board member in Penn Hills went public with the fact that Santorum's family was claiming local residency when they'd actually moved years earlier to Virginia. The Santorums had enrolled five of their kids in a Pennsylvania online charter school and got the Penn Hills district to pay for it -- to the tune of about $72,000, according to the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. The Santorums yanked their kids out of the Pennsylvania cyber school and were not required to repay any of the districts costs.
Santorum is a booster of charters and online learning and would remove any constraints to increasing them. Common core curricula are okay, as long as they are not forced on any school. The fed role should be limited to civil rights protections of disabled students, enabling research and promoting equality of opportunity. No mention of federal funding of schools. The problem with schools, which he doesn't identify, can only be solved at the state and local levels. Federal legislation won't work. However, Santorum used to think federal legislation was appropriate at the local school level when he was a senator. His now-infamous amendment to No Child Left Behind aimed to encourage public school science classes to teach controversies about such theories as evolution. But that was then.
Ron Paul: The libertarian Texan claims the mantle of "home schooling champion" on his campaign Web site and that means he thinks the feds should mostly get out of the way and let parents take charge of kids' education. Paul doesn't have any ideas for fixing public schools; he believes the government's most useful role is to give tax credits for home schooling and make sure that home schooling remains a "practical alternative" for families. Enough said.
Originally published here
By Linda Paul, WBEZ, 1/25/2012
If you look at all Chicago arrests of juveniles in 2010, a fifth occurred on Chicago Public Schools property. That’s way too many arrests, according to a report out from Project NIA, a Chicago-based advocacy group that works against incarceration of kids.
The Chicago police department data that NIA crunched found 5,574 juvenile arrests on CPS property in 2010.
Of those arrests, about three-quarters involved African-American youth, even though black students comprise 45 percent of the school population.
The researchers found about a third of all arrests were for simple battery. The next highest categories were drug abuse violations and disorderly conduct.
Project NIA’s report calls for CPS to “redirect resources away from policing” and says CPS should beef up so-called restorative justice programs, which can help resolve problems before the police become involved.
In a statement, CPS said it will be reviewing the report, and getting feedback on ways to provide safe environments for students at all schools.
Originally published here.
By Sarah Karp, Catalyst Chicago, 1/25/2012
Of the 27,000 juveniles arrested in Chicago in 2010, a fifth of them were taken into custody at school. More than two-thirds of those arrested were black and 75 percent were male.
A youth advocacy group is calling on Chicago aldermen to pass a student safety act similar to one in New York City that forces the school district to reveal the number of arrests, suspensions and expulsions per school every quarter.
Data published as a result of the New York City ordinance have led to important revelations, such as the finding that at least one black male student is arrested in school each day, says Mariame Kaba, founder and director of Project NIA.
“This information is conspicuously missing from the school report card,” Kaba says. “This is information that we need to hold our system accountable.”
On Wednesday, Project NIA released a report on arrests in schools, but the information was difficult to get and came from the Chicago Police Department and not CPS, whose officials say they don’t keep tabs on arrests.
The report reveals that student arrests are a major concern. Of the 27,000 juveniles arrested in Chicago in 2010, a fifth of them were taken into custody at school. More than two-thirds of those arrested were black and 75 percent were male.
“It clearly shows that black males are being targeted,” says Frank Edwards, a professor of sociology at DePaul University and a volunteer with Project NIA. He says that black students are 1.6 times more likely to be arrested at school than their peers.
Principals have mindset of “needing cops”
Kaba says she’s optimistic that a student safety act could fly in Chicago. She notes that Mayor Rahm Emanuel has made data transparency a big push.
But at CPS, the idea might be controversial. Getting student suspension and expulsion information at the school level has always required a Freedom of Information Act request. In recent years, much of the information is redacted because of privacy concerns.
Also, police have a strong presence in schools and principals are attached to that. Most high schools have two policemen assigned to them every school day. Earlier this year, CPS officials tried to convince principals to give them up in exchange for extra cash. But few principals took the offer.
“The mindset of needing cops is so embedded and cemented,” Kaba says. “That is the environment we are dealing with.”
The number one offense among student arrests is simple battery, which is usually fighting. Other top reasons include drug abuse violations and disorderly conduct. Few students are arrested for violent crimes.
Project NIA staff are still trying to obtain school-level data from police.
For the most part, the communities with many juvenile arrests also have a lot of school-based arrests. Austin and North Lawndale are exceptions, as they are among the top five communities in juvenile arrests, but not in school-based arrests. Kaba says the situation bears investigation.
Restorative justice still largely untried
In addition to more transparency, Kaba also would like to see more funding for restorative justice programs. The current student code of conduct calls on schools to use restorative justice techniques such as peace circles and peer juries. But the strategies have never taken root in a wide number of schools, since many principals and teachers don’t know how to use these techniques and there’s little money to train them. In addition, some school staff are not convinced that the techniques are effective.
Naomi Milstein, who runs the restorative justice training programs at Alternatives, says that there’s more awareness and desire to do restorative justice. Yet training is hard to come by. Also, since turnover is high in CPS, schools might train one set of staff members but then need to train new people a few years later.
The student code of conduct is currently being rewritten, and Kaba and Milstein would like more explicit directives in terms of restorative justice.
Kaba and Project NIA also are working with state legislators on getting juvenile arrest records expunged. Though most think such arrest records are not accessible, they often show up years later when prospective employers are doing background checks.
Kaba learned this the hard way. A young woman whom she worked with called her, upset that she had been denied a nursing license after attending nursing school--based on a criminal record. At first, the young woman had no idea of the basis of the denial, but then, Kaba says, she remembered that she had been arrested after getting into a fight on her school campus.
“Within 15 minutes of getting to the police department, she was released to her parents,” Kaba says. “She had no idea that she was booked.”
Kaba, who knows the system, was able to get the record cleared up within a week, but she says many young people don’t have an advocate like her.
“Something like this could cause them to crumble,” she says. “Or it would take a million months to get cleared up.”
Originally published here.
New school regulations would move away from zero-tolerance policies
By Liz Bowie, The Baltimore Sun, 1/24/2012
Baltimore County reported the highest suspension rate of any Maryland district apart from the Eastern Shore in the last school year.
Concerned about the high numbers of student suspensions, state school board members are proposing an overhaul of discipline codes that would move away from zero-tolerance policies.
School board President James H. DeGraffenreidt Jr. said Tuesday that the board will propose a series of regulations next month that will require school districts to form a plan to reduce nonviolent offenses in the next three years as well as the number of suspensions of special education and minority students.
The board wants to "get everybody to focus on the fact that this is part of our educational mission" and that "we are clear that every kid counts," DeGraffenreidt said.
In addition to reducing suspensions, the board is proposing to eliminate expulsions except in the case of students who have a firearm.
Eight percent of students in the state were suspended last school year, DeGraffenreidt said, and half the suspensions were for nonviolent offenses, such as disrespect or defacing school property. Minority and special education students are far more likely to be suspended than their peers. Board members believe there is a link between the high suspension rate for those groups and low achievement.
"In disproportionate numbers, the very students who are lagging behind are those who are being suspended," DeGraffenreidt said.
Education advocates from the Open Society Institute and the Maryland Disabilities Law Center who attended Tuesday's board meeting praised the board's action.
"I certainly applaud the board's stated objective — that suspensions be used as a last resort and not as the go-to option," said Jane Sundius, education director for Open Society, which has worked for the past five years to get school districts to reduce suspension rates.
John Woolums, director of governmental relations for the Maryland Association of Boards of Education, called the state board's approach balanced because it gives school systems the freedom to come up with their own plans to reduce suspension rates. But he said there are likely to be questions about whether the disparities can be eliminated in three years.
The proposal is likely to draw criticism from many teachers, parents and school leaders who believe in tough punishment for students who misbehave.
"It is not an issue that can be corrected by regulation," said Carl Roberts, executive director of the state's superintendents association. "It requires a lot more study. I would hope the board would share their concerns with the superintendents and work through the issues before coming up with any proposal."
The state board said it will make districts adhere to more consistent reporting of data and will come out with common definitions, including what constitutes a weapon. One board member noted that an elementary school student was suspended for bringing a plastic gun to school. And board member Kate Walsh said two lacrosse players from Easton High School were suspended last year for having a lighter and pen knife in their lacrosse bags. The items, which are commonly used to repair lacrosse gear, "were never intended to be used as weapons," Walsh said.
The board also will redefine a short-term suspension as one to three days and a long-term suspension as four to 10 days. Currently, a short-term suspension is a maximum of 10 days and a long-term suspension is more than 10 days.
Each school system would be given a year to come up with a plan to reduce suspensions and three years to bring the numbers down.
The school board took up the issue of student discipline about a year ago, after a Dorchester County student was suspended for nearly an entire school year without being given access to public education and a Fairfax County, Va., student committed suicide after being out of school for months over a relatively minor infraction.
After a year of testimony from educators and advocates across the state, the school board has written a draft report on suspensions but said it was not ready to be released Tuesday. That report, along with proposals for regulations, is expected to be presented at the next board meeting in late February. It is expected to include recommendations on how long a student can be out of school during an appeal of a suspension.
After the presentation, the public will be able to comment on the proposed regulations before the board makes a final decision this spring.
DeGraffenreidt held up Baltimore as an example of a district that has reduced suspensions. He noted that city schools CEO Andrés Alonso has reduced suspensions for nonviolent offenses significantly since arriving in 2007, though the numbers rose slightly last year.
"These changes will bring more scrutiny to suspensions, which I think is a very good thing," Alonso said. But he acknowledged that the district is "far short of where we need to be in terms of reducing suspensions."
Originally published here - State Wants To Curb Student Suspensions
Jason Langberg, Op-Ed, News Observer, 01/23/12
RALEIGH -- It's a new year and an opportunity for a fresh start in the Wake County Public School System. Now is the time to join together with a renewed focus on student achievement - and to improve student achievement we must address school discipline, as the two are inextricably linked.
Last year, positive changes alleviated the school system's discipline crisis, including additional seats at Mary Phillips High School, revisions to the Code of Conduct and the creation of Alternative Learning Centers. However, thousands upon thousands of students - disproportionately male students, black students and students with disabilities - are still being pushed out of schools and onto a path toward poverty and prison.
Academic failure; inadequate prevention, intervention and alternative programs; suspensions; school-based arrests and court referrals, along with other policies and practices, contribute to the problem.
The following resolution, if adopted and accomplished, would go a long way toward much-needed, comprehensive, sustained discipline reform, ensuring that schools are places where children are nurtured, supported, inspired, treated fairly and equitably and given every opportunity to succeed.
During 2012, in furtherance of its mission to "significantly increase achievement for all students...," the system resolves to:
- Support students by: implementing Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (PBIS) in all schools; following high-quality Personal Education Plans for students at risk of academic failure and Individualized Education Programs for students with disabilities; and making significant investments in Counseling and Student Services.
- Support parents/guardians by: initiating parent/guardian leadership institutes and informational workshops; building relationships through an Office of Family and Community Engagement, parent information and resource centers, parent liaisons and more accessible meetings and events; and providing teachers and administrators with professional development and time for family engagement.
- Support teachers' efforts to keep students engaged and academically successful by providing them with adequate instructional resources, support staff (e.g., teaching assistants, psychologists, and social workers) and behavior management and interventions training.
- Support administrators' efforts to maintain safe and orderly learning environments by improving the availability of high-quality: prevention programs (such as PBIS); behavioral interventions (mentoring and mental health services); and alternatives to suspension (such as restorative justice).
- Make the Code of Conduct fairer by: including a section on students' rights; prohibiting out-of-school suspension for minor offenses; limiting the length of long-term suspensions; requiring administrators to use alternatives to suspension when available and appropriate, and to specify, in writing, which mitigating factors were considered; and providing stronger due process protections.
- Modify the memorandum of understanding among the school system and local law enforcement agencies to ensure that all school resource officers: play a clear, consistent role; are highly qualified and well-trained; have positive influences on and interactions with students and staff; and are properly limited and accountable.
- Ensure that suspended students are safe and productive, and make adequate academic progress, by improving the availability and use of high-quality structured day programs and non-computer-based alternative schools.
- Ensure the availability and use of an array of services by collaborating closely and strategically with community-based organizations.
- Improve transparency and oversight by creating a school discipline committee - made up of students, parents, teachers, administrators, and community members - to perform tasks such as reviewing data and revising policies and practices.
- Improve accountability by collecting and publishing standardized, disaggregated data (i.e., by the students' school, grade, gender, race, disability, free and reduced-price lunch status, and offense) on: placement in Alternative Learning Centers and alternative schools and programs; bus suspensions; in-school, short-term, long-term, and 365-day suspensions; and expulsions.
Ending the school push-out crisis once and for all isn't about Democrats or Republicans, claiming credit or placing blame. Instead, it's about our collective moral responsibility to our children - to safeguard their civil and human rights; to protect them from discouragement, stigmatization, trauma and the streets; and to provide them with the education they need to thrive in adulthood.
It's also about: treating mistakes and childishness as part of normal adolescent development and "teachable moments;" recognizing research and dispelling the myths that suspension is a deterrent to misbehavior and makes schools safer, and that the juvenile and criminal justice systems are rehabilitative; raising academic achievement and graduation rates, narrowing achievement gaps, and improving school climates; and saving money on policing, prosecution, incarceration, lost economic productivity, and dependence on public assistance.
Many Wake school system policies and practices have been models for districts across the country. School discipline reform here can similarly be a national model. Other school systems made comprehensive changes in 2011. In 2012, it's our turn.
Jason Langberg is an Equal Justice Works fellow/attorney at Advocates for Children's Services, a statewide project of Legal Aid of North Carolina.
Originally published here.
By Neena Satija, WNPR, 1/18/2012
Listen to audio version here.
Thousands of public school students in Connecticut don’t get their diplomas each year, but only some are called “dropouts.” So what happens to the others? In the first of a three-part series, WNPR’s Neena Satija reports on how kids leave the school system without officially “dropping out.”
Jane is seventeen years old and still hasn’t passed the eighth grade. Her name has been changed to protect her privacy, and she doesn’t want to give the name of her school. Jane repeated eighth grade twice and was suspended multiple times for behavior issues. On her third try of eighth grade last year, she went to school on her birthday and got some upsetting news.
JANE: “I remember they called me to the office, and they told me to wait in the counselor’s office. And I was thinking to myself, ‘what’s going on? Am I going to get suspended again?’ and somebody came in the office and said, ‘you have to leave.’ I’m like,‘why?’"
Jane wasn’t doing well in school. She couldn’t grasp concepts and ended up in daily arguments with teachers and other students. But instead of helping Jane, her family alleges, the school unfairly pushed her out. Her 26-year-old sister Jenna, whose name has also been changed, says the situation came to a head during a meeting with school administrators.
JENNA: “It was like, ‘she’s going to be 16 this year, what are you guys planning on doing?’ And we were like, ‘what do you mean? She’s in school, what are we going to do? We’ve been doing everything we can.’ They’re like, ‘No, she can’t stay in school past her 16th birthday.’”
According to Laura McCargar, who works for the Hartford-based “A Better Way Foundation,” cases like Jane’s are common in Connecticut. In a press conference last month attended by dozens of teachers, students, administrators and probation officers across the state, she announced the results of a year-long examination of how Connecticut’s struggling students end up leaving public schools. Sometimes, it’s their choice, or they’re expelled for serious reasons. But often, McCargar alleges, they’re coerced or counseled to leave. She drew from her experiences working at an afterschool program in the state, where she’d have conversations with students that might go something like this.
MCCARGAR: ‘I don’t go to high school anymore.’ ‘What do you mean?’ ‘Well, my principal told me that I can’t be here anymore.’ ‘Well what do you mean? You should be a high school student.’”
McCargar says some schools advise their most difficult students to leave so they don’t have to deal with their low test scores and poor behavior. So they pass off the student to alternative or adult education programs, which are often under-resourced and aren’t as closely monitored by the state.
School administrators say the situation is far more complicated, and that the students who leave high school under these circumstances need serious help. Joe Cirasuolo is Executive Director of the Connecticut Association of Public School Superintendents.
CIRASUOLO: “Students aren’t being coerced into going to something. What they’re being told is, ‘you’re not making it in the present system and in some cases you’re not making it and you’re disrupting it for other kids as well. And so what we’d like to do is give you an alternate program.”
The school did offer Jane two alternatives: an alternative education program, or adult education. But Michelle Fica, an attorney at Connecticut Legal Services, said the school didn’t inform Jane and her family of all of their options. Fica says Jane could have asked her school for a special education evaluation, to see if she needed extra help the school would legally have to provide. She could have insisted on the right to an expulsion hearing if the school really wanted to kick her out. But her family didn’t realize they had those options.
FICA: “Parents don’t know what their rights are. Parents don’t know the difference between the alternative ed schools and adult ed versus a regular ed school and what that means for their kid in the future.”
Fica’s office is handling Jane’s case, along with dozens of other ones like it that come in every year. In some instances, students feel they were pushed out because of fines imposed by school districts. Waterbury has a policy of fining students $25/day for being truant. Fica says she once got a call from a distraught mother who was hit with nearly a thousand dollars in fines.
FICA: “Basically these fines kept adding up and adding up, and when she called here she was at the point of withdrawing her child from school because she didn’t know what else to do.”
Waterbury spokesperson Nancy Vaughan said the district imposes truancy fines as a last resort, after making dozens of personal phone calls to the student and family, and even home visits.
Joe Cirasuolo of the superintendents’ association says he needs to see more evidence that districts are pushing students out. He has a hard time believing school administrators don’t have the best interests of students at heart.
CIRASUOLO: “What that says is that people at the high school level, their motive is less than honorable, frankly. And I’d have to see the evidence that supports that. I’ve never seen it in my years in education.”
And, the data’s hard to track down. The state doesn’t track students in alternative schools, and students in adult education are tracked in a different database altogether. So, it’s impossible to know how many may have been pushed out of their schools. No matter the number, state representative Andy Fleischmann wants push-outs to stop entirely.
FLEISCHMANN: “If it’s happening in just one instance, in one city, and a couple of instances in another city, that’s too many. How widespread is the problem? I think we need more research on that. But I only needed to hear a few stories of actual students to know that I didn’t want to live in a state that treated students that way.”
Education advocates are divided on how to solve the problem. Some say education reform in the traditional public schools will prevent students from getting to a point where they might be pushed out. For right now, however, there are thousands of students enrolled in alternative and adult education programs in Connecticut, and it’s hard to know how they’re doing.
In the next segment, we’ll profile two alternative education programs in Connecticut that bring struggling students from big public high schools into smaller classrooms.
For WNPR, I’m Neena Satija.
Originally published here.
by Rethinking Schools Editorial, Rethinking Schools
“Every man in my family has been locked up. Most days I feel like it doesn’t matter what I do, how hard I try—that’s my fate, too.” —11th-grade African American student, Berkeley, Calif.
This young man isn’t being cynical or melodramatic; he’s articulating a terrifying reality for many of the children and youth sitting in our classrooms—a reality that is often invisible or misunderstood. Some have seen the growing numbers of security guards and police in our schools as unfortunate but necessary responses to the behavior of children from poor, crime-ridden neighborhoods. But what if something more ominous is happening? What if many of our students—particularly our African American, Latina/o, Native American, and Southeast Asian children—are being channeled toward prison and a lifetime of second-class status?
We believe that this is the case, and there is ample evidence to support that claim. What has come to be called the “school-to-prison pipeline” is turning too many schools into pathways to incarceration rather than opportunity. This trend has extraordinary implications for teachers and education activists. It affects everything from what we teach to how we build community in our classrooms, how we deal with conflicts with and among our students, how we build coalitions, and what demands we see as central to the fight for social justice education.
What Is the School-to-Prison Pipeline?
The school-to-prison pipeline begins in deep social and economic inequalities, and has taken root in the historic shortcomings of schooling in this country. The civil and human rights movements of the 1960s and ’70s spurred an effort to “rethink schools” to make them responsive to the needs of all students, their families, and communities. This rethinking included collaborative learning environments, multicultural curriculum, student-centered, experiential pedagogy—we were aiming for education as liberation. The back-to-basics backlash against that struggle has been more rigid enforcement of ever more alienating curriculum.
The “zero tolerance” policies that today are the most extreme form of this punishment paradigm were originally written for the war on drugs in the early 1980s, and later applied to schools. As Annette Fuentes explains, the resulting extraordinary rates of suspension and expulsion are linked nationally to increasing police presence, checkpoints, and surveillance inside schools.
As police have set up shop in schools across the country, the definition of what is a crime as opposed to a teachable moment has changed in extraordinary ways. In one middle school we’re familiar with, a teacher routinely allowed her students to take single pieces of candy from a big container she kept on her desk. One day, several girls grabbed handfuls. The teacher promptly sent them to the police officer assigned to the school. What formerly would have been an opportunity to have a conversation about a minor transgression instead became a law enforcement issue.
Children are being branded as criminals at ever-younger ages. Zero Tolerance in Philadelphia, a recent report by Youth United for Change and the Advancement Project, offers an example:
Robert was an 11-year-old in 5th grade who, in his rush to get to school on time, put on a dirty pair of pants from the laundry basket. He did not notice that his Boy Scout pocketknife was in one of the pockets until he got to school. He also did not notice that it fell out when he was running in gym class. When the teacher found it and asked whom it belonged to, Robert volunteered that it was his, only to find himself in police custody minutes later. He was arrested, suspended, and transferred to a disciplinary school.
Early contact with police in schools often sets students on a path of alienation, suspension, expulsion, and arrests. George Galvis, an Oakland, Calif., prison activist and youth organizer, described his first experience with police at his school: “I was 11. There was a fight and I got called to the office. The cop punched me in the face. I looked at my principal and he was just standing there, not saying anything. That totally broke my trust in school as a place that was safe for me.”
Galvis added: “The more police there are in the school, walking the halls and looking at surveillance tapes, the more what constitutes a crime escalates. And what is seen as ‘how kids act’ vs. criminal behavior has a lot to do with race. I always think about the fistfights that break out between fraternities at the Cal campus, and how those fights are seen as opposed to what the police see as gang-related fights, even if the behavior is the same.”
Mass Incarceration: A Civil Rights Crisis
The growth of the school-to-prison pipeline is part of a larger crisis. Since 1970, the U.S. prison population has exploded from about 325,000 people to more than 2 million today. According to Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Color Blindness, this is a phenomenon that cannot be explained by crime rates or drug use. According to Human Rights Watch (Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs, 2000) although whites are more likely to violate drug laws than people of color, in some states black men have been admitted to prison on drug charges at rates 20 to 50 times greater than those of white men. Latina/os, Native Americans, and other people of color are also imprisoned at rates far higher than their representation in the population. Once released, former prisoners are caught in a web of laws and regulations that make it difficult or impossible to secure jobs, education, housing, and public assistance—and often to vote or serve on juries. Alexander calls this permanent second-class citizenship a new form of segregation.
The impact of mass incarceration is devastating for children and youth. More than 7 million children have a family member incarcerated, on probation, or on parole. Many of these children live with enormous stress, emotional pain, and uncertainty. Luis Esparza describes the impact on his life in Project WHAT!’s Resource Guide for Teens with a Parent in Prison or Jail:
After [my dad] went to jail I kept to myself a lot—became the quiet kid that no one noticed and no one really cared about. At one point I didn’t even have any friends. No one talked to me, so I didn’t have to say anything about my life. . . . Inside I feel sad and angry. In this world, no one wants to see that, so I keep it all to myself. (See Haniyah's Story and Sokolower.)
Revising the Curriculum
As we at Rethinking Schools began to study and discuss these issues, we realized the huge implications for curriculum. Many of us, as social justice educators, have developed strong class activities teaching the Civil Rights Movement. But few of us teach regularly about the racial realities of the current criminal justice system. Textbooks mostly ignore the subject. For example, Pearson Prentice Hall’s United States History is a hefty 1,264 pages long, but says nothing about the startling growth in the prison population in the past 40 years.
Mass incarceration and the school-to-prison pipeline are among the primary forms that racial oppression currently takes in the United States. As such, they deserve a central place in the curriculum. We need to bring this all-too-common experience out of the shadows and make it as visible in the curriculum as it is in so many students’ lives. As Alexander begins to explore in our interview, it is a challenge to engage students in these issues in ways that build critical thinking and determination rather than cynicism or despair, but a challenge we urgently need to take on. Aparna Lakshmi, a Boston high school teacher, offers an example.
‘Accountability’ and Criminalization
The school-to-prison pipeline is really a classroom-to-prison pipeline. A student’s trajectory to a criminalized life often begins with a curriculum that disrespects children’s lives and that does not center on things that matter.
Last spring Federal Policy, ESEA Reauthorization, and the School-to-Prison Pipeline, a collaborative study by research, education, civil rights, and juvenile justice organizations, linked the policies of No Child Left Behind and the “accountability” movement to the pipeline. According to George Wood, executive director of the Forum for Education and Democracy:
By focusing accountability almost exclusively on test scores and attaching high stakes to them, NCLB has given schools a perverse incentive to allow or even encourage students to leave.
A FairTest factsheet cites findings that schools in Florida gave low-scoring students longer suspensions than high-scoring students for similar infractions, while in Ohio students with disabilities were twice as likely to be suspended out of school than their peers. A recent report from the Advancement Project noted that, since the passage of NCLB in 2002, 73 of the largest 100 districts in the United States “have seen their graduation rates decline—often precipitously. Of those 100 districts, which serve 40 percent of all students of color in the United States, 67 districts failed to graduate two-thirds of their students.”
The more that schools—and now individual teachers—are assessed, rewarded, and fired on the basis of student test scores, the more incentive there is to push out students who bring down those scores. And the more schools become test-prep academies as opposed to communities committed to everyone’s success, the more hostile and regimented the atmosphere becomes—the more like prison. (This school-as-prison culture is considerably more common in schools populated by children of color in poor communities as opposed to majority-white, middle-class schools, creating what Jonathan Kozol calls “educational apartheid.”) The rigid focus on test prep and scripted curriculum means that teachers need students to be compliant, quiet, in their seats, and willing to learn by rote for long periods of time. Security guards, cops in the hall, and score-conscious administrations suspend and expel “problem learners.”
Schools without compassion or understanding occupy communities instead of serve them. As our society accelerates punishment as a central paradigm—from death penalty executions to drone strikes in Pakistan and Yemen—the regimentation and criminalization of our children, particularly children of color, can only be seen as training for the future.
Linda Christensen describes the dangerous pull of high-stakes testing on even the most seasoned teachers, and the powerful role of student-centered curriculum as resistance.
Education Activists and the Pipeline
As teachers and education activists, many of us are active in the fight to save and transform public schools—building campaigns to end standardized testing, to protect our union rights, to prevent the privatization of the public school system. At education conferences, there are often well-attended workshops on the criminalization of youth or related topics.
But the movement to end the school-to-prison pipeline and the movement to defend and transform public education are too often separate. This must be one movement—for social justice education—that encompasses both an end to the school-to-prison pipeline and the fight to save and transform public education. We cannot build safe, creative, nurturing schools and criminalize our children at the same time.
Teachers, students, parents, and administrators have begun to fight back against zero tolerance policies—pushing to get rid of zero tolerance laws, and creating alternative approaches to safe school communities that rely on restorative justice and community building instead of criminalization. (See Haga.) A critical piece of that struggle is defying the regimen of scripted curriculum and standardized tests, and building in its place creative, empowering school cultures centered on the lives and needs of our students and their families.
Some of the most exciting work with youth is being built around campaigns to stop police harassment in schools and on the streets, stop gang injunction legislation that criminalizes young people on the basis of what they wear or where they live, and increase budgets for education and social services instead of law and order. Youth provide leadership in these movements in ways that are different from what we often see in classrooms. Learning from these campaigns and making the critical connections to our own work will enable us to build a viable, principled movement for public education.
Our resistance grows from classrooms that are grounded in our students’ lives—academically rigorous and also participatory, critical, culturally sensitive, experiential, kind, and joyful. When combined with a determination to fight the school-to-prison pipeline at every level, that resistance has enormous capacity to build and sustain true social justice education.
© 2012 Rethinking Schools
Originally published at CommonDreams.org
